April 23, 2024
A perspective on Solomon Gebre Selassie’s article entitled
February 28, 2024””
By Emjedo Farda
Mr. Gebre Selassie’s version of Fano’s unique experiment in building a military institution from the bottom-up emphasizes grassroots involvement and self-reliance. According to the author, it contrasts with traditional top-down rebel institutions influenced by international parties, such as the Chinese and Vietnamese rebel movements. Fano’s self-defense, the author claims, traces back to its roots in the anti-Fascist Resistance (or anti colonial or patriotic movement of 1936-1941 Ethiopia), and the struggle in the formation of Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Union (CELU) organization formation which had their roots in local resistance.
Comparing today’s Fano leaders to those who led the anti-fascist struggle is a distortion of the past historical facts. The Battle of Maychew was a significant engagement during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, fought between Ethiopia and Italy from 1935 to 1936. Some of the prominent Ethiopian leaders who participated in the Battle of Maychew and were considered patriotic figures during this conflict included Emperor Haile Selassie, the reigning Emperor of Ethiopia during the war who played a crucial role in rallying Ethiopian forces against the Italian invasion along with his officers Ras Kassa Haile Darge, Ras Imru Haile Selassie, Ras Seyoum Mangasha etc. , and these leaders, along with many others organized the patriotic people of the time in resistance and symbolized the spirit of Ethiopian patriotism during the war against Fascist Italy’s invasion under Mussolini. Ethiopia as an independent state defending itself from foreign invaders looks nothing like the current armed struggle among Ethiopians.
The Fanno warriors of today consist of Shaleka Dawit Wolde-Giorghis, Eskinder Nega, Zemene Kasse etc and the poor peasant kids who are mobilized to kill and be killed needlessly because of the current politics of the movement. The politics, the leaders and the movement have no resemblance to the Anti-Italian Fascist resistance during Ethiopian’s occupation in world war II. The author drawing similarities is based on a fundamental misconception in understanding and characterizing the present state of Ethiopia which is not colonial and is a nationalist and reformist one.
The author’s second fundamental misconception downplays or ignores the importance of an organization/ political party which typically sets the core beliefs or ideologies that guide its policies and actions. These can include economic beliefs (like capitalism or socialism), social beliefs (such as conservatism or progressivism), or a combination of both and the politics that serve its guiding principle(s). The principles are a source of strength when defending its position from other parties.
The principles of an organization/party identifies, informs its strategies, and mobilizes its supporters, ultimately contributing to its success in the competitive world of politics. A well-defined organization/ party politics serves as a guiding principle and a source of strength when defending its position from other parties and/ or terrorist organizations. This is vividly absent in Fano’s struggle making it susceptible to demagogues and diaspora intellectuals contending to please external enemies.
When referring to other countries’ historical examples, leaders of North Vietnam during the anti-imperialist war against the United States were primarily Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap. Ho Chi Minh, a key figure, led a well-defined party politics in Vietnam and served as the President of North Vietnam from 1945 until his death in 1969. Vo Nguyen Giap was a general in the Vietnam people’s army and played a crucial role in planning military strategies against the United States and its allies during the Vietnam War. These local leaders, along with other Vietnamese party officials and military commanders, led the resistance against U.S. involvement in the internal affairs of Vietnam and were victorious.
The Vietnam War officially ended on April 30, 1975, when North Vietnamese forces captured Saigon, the capital of South Vietnam. This event marked the conclusion of the war and led to the reunification of Vietnam under one rule.
A well-defined party/organizational politics provides a sturdy foundation for the party to withstand attacks and criticism from rival organizations or parties. By clearly articulating its positions and justifying its policies, a party/organization can effectively counter arguments and defend its position against detractors. A strong and well-defined party politics energizes and mobilizes the party’s supporters, rallying them behind a common cause and inspiring them to advocate for the their party’s/organization’s agenda. Fano sorely misses a party/organization leadership.
The author states that Fano “…unlike traditional rebel movements reliant on external support, .. prioritizes self-sufficiency, which can enhance resilience and independence. For example, Fano’s focus on local resource mobilization and community-based defense strategies enables it to sustain operations without relying extensively on external funding or arms supply”. If there is no well-defined party politics/organization to lead the struggle, no amount of defense strategy or external funds will help the movement forward and will result in its degeneration and extinction.
While maintaining a consistent well-defined party/organization politics is important, parties/organizations also need to engage in negotiation and compromise to advance their interests in the political arena. A well-defined party /organization politics provides a framework for these negotiations, guiding party leaders in their interactions with other political actors.
The author, in his second article for “a Unified Amhara Command”…cites that “critics point to internal divisions within Fano, highlighting the need for a unified Amhara command to provide strategic direction”. The author states “for instance, differences in ideology, leadership ambitions, and regional interests sometimes lead to factionalism within Fano, weakening its overall effectiveness and coherence”. Based on his quote of differences, then the first thing to do is to reconcile differences where it is possible focusing on the importance and decisive nature of well-defined party politics position which currently is unidentified and woefully missing in the author’s discourse or the Fano movement.
A well-defined party politics serves as a guiding principle and a source of strength when defending its position from other parties or terrorist organizations . It shapes the party’s identity, informs its strategies, and mobilizes its supporters, ultimately contributing to its success in the competitive world of politics. This is sorely missing in the several Fano movements, and the author says very little or nothing about it.
The author relies on Fano’s ethical treatment of prisoners of war which contrasts favorably compared to other rebel groups, potentially bolstering its legitimacy and garnering support. Yes, the Oromo Liberation Army (Shene) kills not only its prisoners but innocent civilians, displacing people from the vicinity of their village. The author’s point is well taken on its merits but how much “good behavior in treating prisoners’ ‘ can make up for lack of a consistent well-defined party or organizational politics remains a mystery in the author’s narrative.
The author also states as a force for Ethiopia’s democratic transition “Fano’s role and its goals of establishing a democratic government includes identifying stakeholders including opposition parties, civic groups, TPLF, OLA, and religious institutions” and emphasizing the importance of “dialogue with OLA & TPLF and even elements within the regime after dismantling the ruling party”. OLA and TPLF have exacted a lot of capital from the good will of the Ethiopian people and their adventurous wars have cost them dearly lately and both groups have been diminished and are on the edge of irrelevance.
The author’s supportive suggestions about the needed pro-Fano media communication with the diaspora and its role in fostering collaboration, unity of purpose, and supporting the needed communications etc., is not clear. Some of the leaders of Fano in the past, like Shaleka Dawit Wolde-Giorgis who on a diaspora mic said that Amharas are the “heir apparent” and entitled to ascend to power and lead Ethiopia . He continued “if not us (Amhara) who are we going to leave our country to?” This view is more a liability and backward looking and a view counter to pro-democracy movements.
HW