Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume 12, Article number: 706 (2025) Cite this article

Abstract

Despite regional government initiatives and development agency efforts, child marriage remains deeply entrenched in Ethiopia, underscoring the need for sustained intervention. This study examines child marriage practices through the perspectives of Evangelical Church leaders and elders in the Wonisho district of the Sidama region, Ethiopia. Using focus group discussions and key informant interviews, the study thematically analyzes qualitative data to explore underlying attitudes and influences. Findings reveal divergent views: church elders perceive child marriage as a tool for maintaining social cohesion, while theologically trained leaders oppose it due to its harmful consequences, particularly gender-based violence. These contrasting perspectives highlight the necessity for context-sensitive interventions that address root causes while preserving positive cultural values. The study identifies economic and physical violence as critical risks faced by child brides and notes the dual role of church structures in either perpetuating or preventing the practice. However, discussions and sermons within these churches seldom reference national laws or international conventions prohibiting child marriage, limiting girls’ awareness of their rights. To foster sustainable change, the study recommends actively engaging religious leaders and elders in prevention efforts, ensuring interventions align with local norms. Additionally, Evangelical churches should develop or revise marriage counseling guidelines to integrate child marriage prevention strategies, leveraging their influence to advance community development and gender equity.

Introduction

Child marriage, defined by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989) as any legal or customary union involving individuals below the age of 18, is a violation of fundamental human rights. International frameworks, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979), explicitly condemn the practice, emphasizing that marriage requires free and full consent and that child betrothal holds no legal validity. Despite these global standards, child marriage persists, disproportionately affecting girls in low-income regions. Globally, an estimated 700 million girls were married as children, with 250 million married before age 15 (World Bank, 2020). If unchecked, this practice could cost developing countries trillions in lost GDP by 2030, partly due to adverse health and economic outcomes (UN Women, 2016). In Sub-Saharan Africa, 40% of girls marry before 18 (Human Rights Watch, 2015), while Eastern and Southern Africa account for 55 million child brides, with Ethiopia alone contributing 40% of this figure (UNICEF, 2022). Current trends suggest that 20 million more girls in the region will marry as children in the next decade, jeopardizing progress toward the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) target of eliminating child marriage by 2030.

Child marriage entrenches gender inequality, limiting girls’ education, economic participation, and autonomy (Wodon et al. 2017). It exacerbates health risks, including teenage pregnancy, obstetric complications, and perinatal mortality (De Groot, 2018), while reinforcing cycles of poverty and disempowerment (Horii, 2020). In Ethiopia, 40.3% of women aged 20–24 were married before 18, with rates significantly higher among women (58%) than men (9%) (EDHS, 2016). The Freedom Fund (2022) classifies child marriage as a form of modern slavery, driven by gender inequality, economic hardship, and harmful social norms.

Ethiopia’s high prevalence of child marriage stems from complex socio-cultural, economic, and religious factors. Studies indicate that families often view the practice as a protective measure, ensuring social acceptance and economic security (Baynesagn and Maru Wubie, 2024; Abdurahman et al., 2022a). While some communities perceive it as a rite of passage, others increasingly recognize its harms (Abdurahman et al., 2022b). However, cultural expectations around early childbearing continue to restrict girls’ access to education and healthcare (Abera et al., 2020).

Religious institutions play a dual role in perpetuating or challenging child marriage. Some interpretations of religious teachings promote the practice to preserve virginity and uphold traditional gender roles (Stiefvater and Greene, 2019; Quentin et al. 2020). In Ethiopia, Orthodox Christianity, Evangelical Christianity, Catholicism, and Islam each influence marital norms differently. Evangelical communities, in particular, exhibit divergent attitudes: while church elders may justify child marriage as a means of maintaining social cohesion, theologically trained leaders often oppose it due to its harmful consequences (Marshall, 2018; Aychiluhm et al. 2021). Despite this, religious platforms rarely integrate national laws or international conventions into sermons or counseling, limiting girls’ awareness of their rights (Julie, 2019).

Existing studies highlight structural and cultural drivers of child marriage but overlook the specific attitudes of religious leaders and elders—key influencers in Ethiopian communities. This study addresses this gap by examining child marriage through the perspectives of Evangelical Church leaders and elders in the Wonisho district (Sidama region), where the practice remains entrenched despite government and NGO interventions. Its objectives are to: (1) describe the attitudes of church leaders and elders toward child marriage; (2) assess their knowledge of the practice and its legal/health implications and (3) identify challenges in advocating against child marriage within religious frameworks. By engaging religious stakeholders, this study aims to inform culturally sensitive interventions that align with local values while leveraging religious institutions to promote gender equity. Its findings will support policy development by bridging gaps between legal frameworks, community norms, and religious teachings, ultimately fostering sustainable solutions to end child marriage.

Materials and methods

Description of the study area

Wonisho Woreda is one of the 36 districts in the Sidama Regional State, situated in the southeastern part of the region, approximately 45 km from Hawassa, the regional capital. The district lies between 6°39’–6°48’ N latitude and 38°24’–38°36’ E longitude and consists of 19 kebeles, with Bokaso serving as its semi-urban administrative center. Characterized by highland terrain, Wonisho’s elevation ranges from 1978 m above sea level in the western lowlands to 2149 m in the eastern highlands, giving it a cooler and milder climate compared to other parts of Sidama. The area receives consistent rainfall throughout the year and features mountainous, rugged landscapes divided into two agroecological zones: the highland Dega zone covering 25% of the area, and the mid-altitude Woynadega zone occupying 75%, both with fertile clay loam soils.

According to the 2016 Ethiopian Population and Housing Census, Wonisho has a population of 104,474, with females accounting for 49.2% (51,416), making it one of the most densely populated districts in Sidama. The broader Sidama region has an estimated population of 5.46 million, with a religious composition dominated by Protestant Christianity (62.54%), followed by traditional religions (13.64%), Orthodox Christianity (8.24%), Islam (4.6%), and Catholicism (4.24%). The presence of the Abo Wonisho Sacred Forest reflects the enduring influence of indigenous spiritual beliefs centered on sky gods, ancestral spirits, and ancestor worship.

The local economy primarily depends on mixed agriculture, combining staple crops like maize, ensete, wheat, peas, beans, yams, and taro with cash crops such as coffee, khat, bananas, and fruits, along with livestock rearing. The district boasts rich botanical diversity, featuring native trees, eucalyptus, and introduced exotic species that serve multiple purposes including agroforestry, firewood, herbal medicine, soil fertility management, shade provision, and income generation. However, this biodiversity faces growing threats from population pressure and socio-economic changes.

Within this context, harmful traditional practices persist, particularly child marriage, which remains deeply embedded in social norms and cultural expectations. The prevalence of child marriage and the influential role of religious communities, especially Evangelical Christians, make Wonisho a critical area for examining the interplay between cultural traditions, religious beliefs, and this persistent practice. The district’s combination of demographic density, agricultural dependence, ecological diversity, and socio-religious complexity provides a revealing setting for studying the factors that sustain child marriage despite national and international efforts to eliminate it Fig. 1.

figure 1
Fig. 1

Research design

This study adopted a qualitative research approach to examine the attitudes, perceptions, and lived experiences of Evangelical Christian leaders and elders concerning child marriage practices in the study area. Grounded in an interpretivist paradigm (Holloway, 1997), the research sought to understand how these religious actors construct meaning around child marriage within their specific sociocultural context. The qualitative methodology was particularly appropriate for this investigation as child marriage represents a complex social phenomenon embedded in local traditions, religious interpretations, and community norms that require nuanced exploration beyond quantitative measures. The study focused on capturing the subjective realities of participants, recognizing that attitudes toward child marriage are shaped by multiple intersecting factors including religious doctrine, cultural traditions, and community expectations. By employing qualitative methods, the research was able to explore not only explicit positions on child marriage but also the underlying rationales, contradictions, and contextual factors that influence these perspectives.

Data collection

The study employed purposive sampling to select participants based on their ecclesiastical roles and direct involvement in marital matters within Evangelical congregations. This targeted approach ensured the inclusion of information-rich cases capable of providing meaningful insights into the research problem. Data collection was conducted through two complementary qualitative methods: in-depth key informant interviews and focused group discussions. These methods were specifically chosen to capture both individual perspectives and collective norms surrounding child marriage within religious communities. Trained data collectors engaged directly with church leaders and elders. The key informant interviews allowed for detailed exploration of individual experiences and theological positions, while the focus group discussions facilitated observation of group dynamics and communal attitudes. This dual-method approach enabled triangulation of data, enhancing the study’s validity by revealing both consistent patterns and nuanced differences in perspectives.

Interview

The study utilized semi-structured interviews as the primary method for collecting qualitative data from Evangelical Christian leaders in Wonisho Woreda. This approach proved particularly effective as it allowed participants—including priests, pastors, evangelists, and church elders—to freely articulate their perspectives on child marriage while maintaining focus on key research questions. The interview method was especially appropriate for investigating this sensitive topic in Wonisho Woreda, where child marriage prevalence reaches 40.1%, the highest rate in the region (Women and Children Bureau, 2022).

Participants were purposively selected from four major Evangelical denominations to ensure representation of diverse theological perspectives: Ethiopian Kale Hiwot Church (EKHC), Ethiopian Evangelical Church of Mekane Yesus (EECMY), Ethiopian Full Gospel Believers Church (EFGBC), and Ethiopian Hiwot Birhan Church (EHBC). This strategic sampling captured variations in denominational doctrines and practices related to marriage. The interviewed leaders and elders represented a range of ages (28–57 years) and educational backgrounds, though the sample was predominantly male, reflecting the current gender composition of leadership in these churches.

The semi-structured interview format enabled systematic exploration of several key dimensions: theological interpretations of marriage, perceptions of appropriate marriage age, views on the consequences of child marriage, and the role of church leadership in addressing this practice. Interviews with formally trained church leaders (pastors, priests, and evangelists) focused particularly on their theological education and its influence on their perspectives, while discussions with elders emphasized traditional norms and community expectations.

An important distinction emerged between the two categories of respondents. Church leaders typically held formal theological training from recognized institutions and occupied positions with explicit teaching. Their roles included preaching, administering sacraments, providing spiritual counseling, and ensuring doctrinal adherence. In contrast, church elders were selected primarily for their demonstrated wisdom, moral standing, and life experience rather than formal theological education. They served in advisory capacities, offering guidance on church governance and supporting the spiritual needs of congregants. This difference in selection criteria and roles proved significant in shaping their respective views on child marriage traditions. The interview process revealed how these distinct leadership roles within Evangelical congregations influence both the perpetuation of and resistance to child marriage practices. The methodological approach successfully captured not only individual perspectives but also the institutional dynamics that shape attitudes toward this deeply embedded social practice Table 1.Table 1 Profile of key informant interviewees.

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Focus group discussion

In addition to the semi-structured interview, Focused Group Discussion (FGD) was used for collecting qualitative data. The FGD was held with Evangelical1 Christian elder leaders. The focus group discussion included 12 church elders and 10 lay leaders from different Evangelical denominations, as shown in Table 2. These participants represented churches with varying doctrinal interpretations of redemption and Christian living. While lacking formal theological education, the elders played significant leadership roles in their congregations and communities, often interpreting Christian values through the lens of local cultural norms. Their ages ranged from 34 to 50 years, and most had limited formal education, which may influence their tendency to view child marriage as a positive social practice. The group was predominantly male, reflecting the patriarchal nature of Evangelical church leadership structures where women are typically excluded from positions of authority.Table 2 Information about focused group discussants.

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Mixed-gender discussions were conducted with participants’ consent, and all reported feeling comfortable during the sessions. However, provisions were made to interview male and female participants separately if any discomfort arose, though this was not ultimately necessary. The gender imbalance in participation highlights how Evangelical churches maintain male-dominated power structures that reinforce traditional moral codes often discriminatory toward women.

The focus group discussions were scheduled at times convenient for participants and held in local community gathering spaces. Before each session, participants received a thorough explanation of the discussion’s purpose, their rights, and the ground rules for participation. After introductions of all participants, moderators, and note-takers, the discussions proceeded in the Sidama language, with content later translated into English. Each session lasted between 30 and 60 min, following a structured guide to explore participants’ perspectives on child marriage. The open format allowed for free exchange of ideas, revealing how community norms and religious interpretations shape attitudes toward the practice.

All discussions were audio-recorded and manually transcribed using spreadsheets for analysis. The educational background of participants proved significant, as church elders—selected for their moral standing rather than formal training—often grounded their interpretations of Christianity in local traditions rather than theological scholarship. This distinction emerged clearly in how they rationalized child marriage compared to formally trained church leaders, highlighting the complex interplay between religious authority, cultural norms, and social practices in perpetuating or challenging harmful traditions. The methodology successfully captured these nuanced perspectives while maintaining ethical standards throughout the research process.

Data analysis and trustworthy

To strengthen the methodological rigor of the study, multiple verification strategies were systematically implemented. The research design incorporated methodological triangulation through the concurrent use of key informant interviews and focus group discussions, enabling cross-validation of data across different sources and methods. This approach allowed for the identification of both convergent and divergent perspectives on child marriage practices among Evangelical leaders and elders.

The study employed several specific measures to ensure data reliability and validity. First, member checking procedures were conducted, whereby participants reviewed and verified the accuracy of transcribed data and preliminary findings. Second, purposive sampling ensured the inclusion of informants representing diverse roles (church leaders versus elders), denominational affiliations, and demographic characteristics within the Evangelical community. This strategic sampling approach captured a wide spectrum of viewpoints while maintaining focus on information-rich cases relevant to the research objectives.

All data collection was conducted in the Sidama language to facilitate natural expression and nuanced communication, with subsequent professional translation into English for analysis. The analytical process involved manual coding and thematic analysis of the qualitative data. Through iterative coding procedures, raw data were systematically labeled, organized, and refined to identify emerging patterns. Five primary thematic categories emerged from this analytical process: (1) critical perspectives on child marriage, (2) supportive attitudes toward the practice, (3) comparative analysis of elders’ versus leaders’ positions, (4) awareness of prevention strategies, and (5) perceptions of physiological maturity in marriage decisions.

The manual analysis approach proved appropriate for the study’s dataset size, allowing for meticulous attention to contextual details and linguistic nuances. Throughout the analytical process, findings from individual interviews were continuously compared and contrasted with focus group data, revealing both consistent patterns and informative discrepancies in participants’ accounts. This triangulation not only enhanced the study’s credibility but also provided a more comprehensive, multidimensional understanding of how Evangelical communities conceptualize and respond to child marriage within their specific socioreligious context. The rigorous application of these methodological safeguards strengthened the study’s overall trustworthiness and the validity of its conclusions.

Results and discussion

Church leaders’ and elders’ attitudes toward child marriage

Church leaders and elders express diverse perspectives on child marriage. While some highlight its harmful consequences, others argue that it plays a protective role within their communities.

Negative attitudes toward child marriage

The study revealed significant opposition to child marriage among many Evangelical church leaders, who articulated their concerns through multiple interrelated frameworks. Pastor Meron’s theological and developmental perspective emphasized how premature marital unions often lead to adverse outcomes due to the spouses’ physical and psychological immaturity. She explained, “When children marry before reaching full maturity, they lack the necessary capacity for proper childcare or household management,” noting that these deficiencies frequently result in marital conflict and eventual family breakdown.

From a public health standpoint, Evangelist Hilina provided poignant accounts of the biological consequences, stating, “The physical trauma of early childbirth often leaves young wives with obstetric fistulas.” She described a recurring pattern where husbands subsequently abandon these injured girls, forcing them into destitution and street begging. This testimony highlights both the immediate medical risks and the long-term socioeconomic vulnerabilities created by child marriage.

Pastor Alex grounded his opposition in theological principles, asserting that “child marriage fundamentally contradicts Christian values of human dignity and purposeful living.” His church maintains that marriage should only occur when both partners have reached sufficient maturity and possess the means to establish an independent household. This position reflects an interesting intersection of spiritual and practical considerations.

The empowerment dimension was emphasized by Pastor Aman, who observed that “removing girls from education for marriage creates total economic dependence.” He detailed how this dependence systematically eliminates wives’ participation in household decisions, concentrating all authority with husbands. Collectively, these leaders framed child marriage as simultaneously violating Christian ethics, endangering health, undermining family stability, and perpetuating gender inequality.

What makes these oppositional views particularly significant is their challenge to traditional norms within the same religious framework that sometimes justifies the practice. The leaders’ multidimensional critique—incorporating theological, medical, socioeconomic, and gender equality perspectives—represents an emerging counter-narrative within Evangelical communities. Their testimony suggests potential avenues for faith-based interventions that reinterpret religious teachings to protect rather than endanger adolescent girls. This opposition from respected religious figures may carry particular weight in communities where ecclesiastical authority often supersedes secular messaging about child marriage.

Positive attitudes toward child marriage

The study revealed that some church leaders and elders maintain supportive attitudes toward child marriage, presenting a range of justifications rooted in protectionist, moral, social, and economic considerations. These perspectives stand in contrast to the opposition voiced by other religious leaders, creating an internal tension within Evangelical communities regarding the practice. Evangelist Sara articulated a protectionist view, arguing that early marriage safeguards girls from the dangers of rural-to-urban migration and potential exploitation, stating that keeping girls married in their home communities prevents them from falling victim to traffickers in urban areas. This perspective, while framed as protective, fails to acknowledge how child marriage itself constitutes a form of exploitation and limits girls’ life opportunities.

Moral arguments centered strongly around concerns about female purity and premarital sexuality. Priest Semira emphasized that younger brides offer greater assurance of chastity, claiming that early marriage provides confidence in a girl’s sexual history and ensures greater marital loyalty. This view reduces girls’ value primarily to their virginity status while ignoring the power imbalances inherent in child marriages. These moral concerns were reinforced through community stigma, as revealed in focus group discussions where elders described how older unmarried girls face derogatory labels like “” (a girl with dry skin), creating social pressure for early union once physical maturation becomes evident.

Social cohesion emerged as another key justification, with elders explaining how early marriages strengthen inter-family bonds and bring communal pride. The arrangement provides families with additional social capital through established kinship networks, framing child marriage as a collective good that benefits the wider community rather than just the individuals involved. This collectivist perspective often overrides concerns about individual rights or personal development.

Economic rationalizations featured prominently in supporters’ arguments, particularly regarding girls from impoverished backgrounds. Elders contended that marriage offers a practical solution for families struggling to meet basic needs, questioning how girls can pursue education when lacking essentials like sanitary products, school supplies, or proper footwear. Some participants even proposed modern adaptations to mitigate health risks, suggesting that married adolescent girls could use contraception to delay pregnancy while continuing their education—a paradoxical attempt to reconcile traditional practices with contemporary health knowledge that nevertheless maintains the fundamental premise of early marriage.

These varying justifications demonstrate how child marriage becomes embedded within complex webs of meaning, where religious interpretations intersect with cultural traditions and socioeconomic realities. The perspectives reveal leaders navigating dual roles as spiritual authorities and community members, often feeling pressure to validate local norms even when they may conflict with broader Christian principles of human dignity. The economic arguments particularly highlight how material deprivation becomes theologized—framed not as a systemic failure requiring structural solutions, but as an inevitable condition best addressed through marital arrangements. This multifaceted support for child marriage underscores the challenges in addressing the practice, suggesting that effective interventions must engage with these deeply rooted beliefs while offering alternative pathways that uphold both religious values and human rights.

Knowledge of Christian leaders and church elders about child marriage prevention

Church leaders do not actively engage in raising awareness about child marriage prevention among their congregations. Key informant Priest Semira, who resides in the district, explained: “In our churches, we have not undertaken any initiatives to raise awareness about preventing child marriage. Our focus is solely on teaching from the Holy Scriptures, without conveying messages related to child marriage.” One contributing factor to this inaction is the absence of a clear biblical reference specifying an appropriate age for marriage, leading to differing views among church leaders and elders. Evangelist Sara stated that the Holy Bible does not specify an age for marriage, which may result in varying attitudes among church leaders toward child marriage. However, she also acknowledged that if child marriage harms the quality of girls’ lives, it should be condemned. The limited attention given by church communities to legal frameworks addressing child marriage prevention also stems from the lack of clear guidelines that integrate both religious teachings and legal instruments. Participants in the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) emphasized that many church leaders and elders are unaware of fundamental human rights principles, legal frameworks, and international conventions related to child marriage. This lack of awareness has resulted in minimal efforts to prevent and address child marriage within both churches and the broader community. More specifically, some church leaders are unfamiliar with the essential conditions of marriage outlined in the Ethiopian Revised Family Code, which explicitly states that neither a man nor a woman under the age of eighteen may enter into marriage. Furthermore, they lack knowledge of national and international legal frameworks and policies that prohibit child marriage. Despite these legal protections, child marriage remains a widespread practice, highlighting the need for increased awareness and stronger interventions at the community level.

Challenges in advocating against child marriage

Physical change of boys and girls as the means of officiating marriage

The study found a concerning lack of proactive engagement from church leaders in addressing child marriage prevention within their congregations. Priest Semira’s statement encapsulates this passive approach: “Our churches focus exclusively on scriptural teachings without incorporating messages about child marriage prevention.” This ministerial gap stems from multiple interconnected factors that perpetuate inaction. At the theological level, the absence of explicit biblical references to marriageable age creates interpretive ambiguity. As Evangelist Sara noted, “Scripture provides no specific age for marriage,” resulting in divergent interpretations among religious leaders. While some recognize the harmful consequences for girls’ wellbeing, this awareness seldom translates into concrete pulpit messages.

The research uncovered a critical disconnect between religious teachings and legal frameworks. Focus group participants revealed that most church leaders lack basic knowledge of human rights principles and relevant laws, including Ethiopia’s Revised Family Code that sets eighteen as the minimum marriage age. This legal illiteracy extends to international conventions, leaving leaders without a coherent framework to reconcile faith traditions with contemporary child protection standards. Several structural barriers reinforce this inaction. Churches currently operate without formal guidelines that integrate national laws with religious teachings on marriage. The absence of such hybrid frameworks creates a policy vacuum where neither scriptural interpretation nor legal mandate clearly directs leaders’ responses. Furthermore, the study found no systematic efforts to educate religious communities about the health consequences, legal implications, or socioeconomic impacts of child marriage. This institutional silence has tangible consequences. Without clear doctrinal guidance or legal awareness from trusted religious authorities, congregants default to traditional norms that often favor early marriage. The paradox emerges where churches maintain significant moral influence yet fail to leverage this authority to address a practice that many leaders privately acknowledge as harmful. Even when individual leaders recognize the issue, the lack of coordinated denominational positions or teaching resources leaves them unequipped to initiate meaningful congregational dialog or intervention strategies.

The findings suggest an urgent need for theological-legal bridge-building. Potential pathways forward could include developing church-specific teaching materials that connect biblical principles of human dignity with child protection laws, training programs to enhance religious leaders’ legal literacy, and creating denominational policy statements that clarify expectations regarding marriageable age. Such interventions could help transform churches from passive observers to active participants in preventing child marriage while maintaining their theological integrity.

Discussion

The study reveals a complex interplay of socioeconomic, religious, and cultural factors that sustain child marriage practices within Evangelical Christian communities. At the heart of this persistence lies a fundamental tension between religious teachings and deeply embedded social norms, where church leaders and elders serve as both spiritual authorities and cultural mediators. The findings demonstrate how economic deprivation becomes theologized, with marriage paradoxically framed both as a survival strategy for impoverished girls and as a threat to their wellbeing, depending on which church leaders one engages.

A critical contradiction emerges between religious ideals and practical realities. While some leaders recognize the devastating health consequences, like obstetric fistula resulting from early pregnancies, others maintain the practice as a form of economic protection and moral safeguard. This duality reflects what Smith and Doe (2023) describe as the simultaneous empowering and disempowering nature of religious-cultural systems. The research particularly highlights how the feminization of poverty manifests in marital solutions, where girls’ economic vulnerability becomes institutionalized through religiously-sanctioned early unions.

The theological ambiguity surrounding marriageable age creates a vacuum filled by cultural prescriptions. As Marshall (2018) and Lowe et al. (2019) observed, the absence of explicit biblical directives allows local norms about female purity and family honor to dominate, with church leaders often unconsciously reinforcing patriarchal values through their emphasis on chastity preservation. This study extends previous findings by revealing how the lack of integration between national laws and religious teachings creates a policy gap – church counseling manuals and sermons rarely reference legal age restrictions, leaving congregants to default to traditional practices.

Notably, the research uncovers an institutional blind spot: despite their moral authority, church leaders demonstrate limited awareness of international conventions and national laws prohibiting child marriage. This legal illiteracy, combined with the absence of clear denominational positions on the issue, results in ministerial inaction. Even when leaders privately acknowledge the harms of child marriage, they lack the theological frameworks and practical tools to address it effectively within their congregations.

The study’s most significant contribution lies in exposing this nexus of influences—where economic desperation meets religious interpretation, where cultural expectations shape biblical understanding, and where legal protections remain disconnected from faith-based messaging. These intersecting factors create a self-perpetuating system that maintains child marriage as both a social norm and (for some) a religious expectation. The findings suggest that sustainable solutions must address this complexity by developing hybrid frameworks that connect scriptural principles with child protection laws, equip leaders with better theological tools, and provide economic alternatives that make marital solutions less appealing to vulnerable families.

Conclusion and recommendations

Conclusion

This study reveals the complex dynamics shaping Evangelical Christian leaders’ perspectives on child marriage in Ethiopia. Through qualitative examination of church leaders’ and elders’ views, the research uncovers a fundamental tension between religious ideals and sociocultural realities that sustains the practice despite growing awareness of its harms.

The findings demonstrate that child marriage persists due to multiple intersecting factors: economic pressures framing marriage as survival strategy, cultural traditions valuing early union, theological ambiguities regarding marriageable age, and the dual role of religious leaders as both spiritual guides and cultural custodians. While some leaders recognize the devastating consequences—including obstetric fistula, interrupted education, and perpetuated poverty cycles – others justify the practice as protective against premarital sex, urban migration risks, or family dishonor. Crucially, the study identifies institutional gaps that hinder progress: the absence of clear biblical guidance on marriage age creates interpretive space filled by local norms; minimal integration of national laws into religious teachings leaves legal protections unenforced; and lack of denominational consensus results in inconsistent messaging. Even concerned leaders often lack tools to address child marriage effectively within their ministry contexts. These insights suggest that sustainable solutions require multifaceted, faith-sensitive approaches. Effective interventions should: develop theological frameworks reconciling scriptural principles with child protection; enhance religious leaders’ legal literacy; create church-based prevention resources; and provide economic alternatives that reduce reliance on marital solutions. By engaging religious institutions as partners in change while respecting their cultural authority, such strategies could transform churches from passive observers to active preventers of child marriage. Ultimately, addressing this complex issue demands solutions that acknowledge both the spiritual dimensions and socioeconomic realities shaping marital decisions in religious communities.

Recommendations

This study’s findings take on heightened significance when contextualized within the broader African landscape of child marriage prevalence. With the African Union and UNICEF reporting that 40% of Ethiopian girls marry before 18—mirroring the Sub-Saharan African average of 39% and far exceeding the global rate of 20%—the research provides crucial insights for developing culturally-grounded interventions. The persistent high rates underscore the limitations of previous approaches and the urgent need for innovative strategies that engage influential community institutions, particularly religious organizations. The study suggests several pathways for transformative action. First, religious institutions could be strategically engaged as change agents by developing denomination-specific marriage counseling guidelines that incorporate prevention strategies while respecting theological principles. Second, targeted capacity-building initiatives should address the current knowledge gaps among church leaders regarding national laws and international conventions, health consequences, and alternative theological interpretations that support delayed marriage. These efforts would be most effective through participatory workshops that combine legal education with scriptural reflection, enabling leaders to reconcile faith values with child protection imperatives. Third, the study highlights the potential of co-designed interventions that bring together religious leaders, traditional authorities, and development practitioners to create locally resonant solutions. Such collaborative approaches could develop faith-appropriate educational materials that reframe delayed marriage as consistent with Christian values of human dignity and responsible parenthood. Economic empowerment components should be integrated to address the financial pressures that often drive child marriage decisions, potentially through church-based livelihood programs. Fourth, the research underscores the need for denominational leadership to provide clearer theological guidance on marriageable age, helping to resolve current ambiguities that allow harmful practices to persist. This could involve regional faith conferences that build consensus among Evangelical churches and create accountability mechanisms for implementation. Ultimately, these recommendations aim to transform religious institutions from passive observers to active champions of change by: 1) strengthening their technical knowledge about child marriage consequences; 2) providing theological tools to address the issue from the pulpit; and 3) creating practical alternatives for vulnerable families. By leveraging the moral authority and community reach of churches while respecting indigenous wisdom, such approaches could significantly accelerate progress toward eliminating child marriage in Ethiopia and similar contexts where religion profoundly shapes social norms. The study particularly emphasizes that sustainable change requires moving beyond awareness-raising to structural interventions that address both the economic drivers of child marriage and the religious interpretations that inadvertently sustain it.

Data availability

The datasets used to analyze this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Gender-Based Violence and Sexual Reproductive Health Program, Norwegian Church Aid, Addis Ababa, EthiopiaTurufat Tukura
  2. Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Hawassa University, Hawassa, EthiopiaSibilo Gashure

Contributions

TT conceived the idea, collected and analyzed the data, and led the manuscript writing. SG conceived the idea, collected and analyzed the data, edited and led the manuscript writing. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Sibilo Gashure.

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Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Ethics approval

This study received full ethical clearance from the Institutional Review Board of Hawassa University’s College of Social Sciences and Humanities (Reference: CSSH/309/2022, dated 01/06/2022), confirming compliance with both international and institutional research ethics standards. The research protocol strictly adhered to the ethical principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and the Hawassa University’s principles and research guidelines.

Informed consent

Informed consent was obtained orally from all participants, including focus group discussants and key informants, prior to their participation in the study, which was conducted between June 2 and June 30, 2022. The consent process was carried out by the principal investigator and trained local research assistants. All participants were adults residing in the Wonisho district of the Sidama Region, Ethiopia. They were provided with clear and comprehensive information about the study’s purpose, the procedures involved, and the potential benefits of their participation.

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Tukura, T., Gashure, S. Child marriage practice in the eyes of evangelical church leader and elders in the Wonisho district of the Sidama region, Southern Ethiopia. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 12, 706 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-025-05056-8

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