June 8, 2025
In official messages on Ethiopian religious holidays, the Ethiopian prime minister often compares himself with religious figures such as Moses and Jesus. When facing difficult moments, he invokes the image of Christ’s crucifixion to suggest his trials symbolize the sacrifices he makes for the Ethiopian people or his opponents crucifying him for his good deeds. In seasons of triumph, he likens himself to Moses’ crossing the Eritrean Sea into the Promised Land to telegraph that no earthly barrier can stop him from taking Ethiopia to the commanding heights of national unity and prosperity. The reason for the Ethiopian prime minister’s urge for shameful comparisons is disturbingly strange. It is not in good taste, to say the least, for a mortal man to equate himself with the divine.
There is another idiosyncrasy about the prime minister’s behavior. As a public figure, he has no qualms about saying one thing and doing the complete opposite. In politics, doublespeak is considered an asset that makes the difference between losing and winning. In religion, such behavior is deemed hypocritical and sacrilegious. There is no evidence that the prime minister’s mixing of the sacred and the profane is gaining him public support. It is unclear whether Ethiopian Christians consider his public duplicity to be sacrilege. Nevertheless, the prime minister has continued to give more evidence that integrity is not in his character, or whether it is a quality he endeavors to acquire.
The latest evidence of his hypocrisy emerged when he preached love and compassion in Berlin and six days later repudiated his public commitment in Addis Ababa by ordering the re-arrest of Taye Danda’a, the former minister of peace, who has emerged as one of his severest critics. In this essay, I argue that the chasm between the Berlin sermon and the Addis Ababa action is so deep that it is unbridgeable. Ethiopians must begin to judge the prime minister not by his eloquent sermons and verbal flourishes, but by his actions. His co-religionists must wake up to the reality that his invocation of sacrifice is sacrilegious.
The Sermon on Mount Berlin
The prime minister of Ethiopia was one of the featured speakers at the 2025 European Congress on Evangelism in Berlin, held May 27–30 and hosted by the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association (BGEA). The Congress was convened to discuss the re-evangelization of a Europe that has inexorably moved away from Christianity over the past decades. The Ethiopian prime minister was the only political leader to speak at the religious event.
In his speech, which wasn’t publicly shared, the Ethiopian politician spoke of the need to “embrace a love that honors the dignity of every person, regardless of race and creed.” He urged the gathered Christian proselytizers to reach “across divisions to foster compassion and redemption.” He told the congregants that the evangelical movement “must be known not only for what it believes but also for how it loves, how it serves and how it builds, and demonstrating love through actions and deeds.”
It is not the purpose of this essay to explain the propriety of the prime minister’s speech at a gathering of Christian evangelists strategizing the Reconquista of Europe from agnosticism, but to show that his words do not mean anything to his actions as a leader. He preaches “love through actions and deeds” in Europe. Upon returning to Ethiopia, Taye Danda’a was arrested by the federal police, commanded by one of the prime minister’s most dependable lackeys.
It would be apposite for Ethiopian government officials to state that Taye was arrested after a federal high court reinstated two charges it had previously dismissed. The court that “reinstated” the charges it dropped last year did not have any legal ground to issue an order that nullifies its own ruling. No new evidence was presented to the court, according to Taye’s lawyer. In addition, the court did not revoke the bail. Federal police personnel came to Taye’s residence to arrest him. They hauled him away “for questioning” while cellphone cameras were rolling.
It is not worthwhile to debate with regime officials whether the prime minister has intervened in Taye’s case. The practice of politicians ordering the courts to do their bidding is not a novel experiment. Rule by law had been ubiquitous under the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). It has gotten much worse under the Prosperity Party. In Taye’s case, the court did not act according to the facts and the law. The same court found that the facts and the law were on Taye’s side when it dismissed two charges against the defendant. Make no mistake that the court was evidently pressured to engage in the shameful act.
The relevant issue is not whether the prime minister was involved in Taye Dandaa’s arrest, but his hypocrisy, exemplified by his proclaiming “love and compassion” in Europe and acting out of loathing and revenge in Addis Ababa. He has done it before. Delivering his Nobel Peace Prize lecture in Oslo, Norway, on December 10, 2019, he stated: “I truly believe peace is a way of life. War, a form of death and destruction.” In less than a year, he unleashed a brutal war that has left “death and destruction” in its wake. Words are cheap. Actions speak louder than words.
Loathsome Action in Addis Ababa
Taye was first arrested on December 12, 2023, for speaking out that the Ethiopian government deliberately sabotaged and killed the peace negotiations with the Oromo Liberation Army. He was removed as State Minister of Peace for questioning why his agency, statutorily charged with the task of promoting peace, was not involved in peace negotiations and peace restoration. In fact, Taye was not imprisoned soon after he was fired. If indeed he had committed a crime, law enforcement could and should have immediately taken him into custody for questioning. The truth is his arrest came after he posted the following message on his Facebook page. Addressing the prime minister, he wrote:
I followed you because I believed in your idea of unity. I have now come to understand that not only are you a man who does not honor your words, but also that you are a barbarian who plays with the blood of innocent humans. You used to praise me when I, convinced that Ethiopia faced an existential threat, was embellishing your meaningless war that caused Ethiopians to kill each other and devastated the country. Today, you removed me from my position because I advocated for peace and demanded an end to the fratricidal war. I am very happy that I did not remain silent while war profiteers who would do anything for money and position were fanning conflict, in which Oromo brethren are killing each other. Thank you for the short stay we had. I will continue to struggle for peace and fraternity.
This was the statement that landed Taye Danda’a in prison in December 2023. He was charged with three transgressions: dissemination of propaganda messages on social media, collaboration with anti-peace elements, and possession of an unlicensed firearm. The charges were bogus and shameful. There was nothing criminal that would justify his imprisonment. The federal high court agreed with Taye’s defense that the first two charges “did not constitute criminal acts” and dismissed them. It allowed the third to proceed to trial. The federal supreme court released Taye on bail on December 2, 2024.
On June 1, 2025, after the federal high court “reinstated” the charges it had previously dismissed as baseless allegations, Taye was re-arrested. In truth, what was reinstated was Taye’s position as a prisoner of conscience. Taye chose to speak truth to power, clearly and fearlessly. This act was deemed a lèse-majesté against the “reigning monarch” named Abiy Ahmed. That the federal court was commandeered to kowtow to the political pressure of the prime minister speaks volumes about the conscienceless autocrat ruling Arat Kilo than the prisoner of conscience that Taye has always been. I will demonstrate that his re-arrest was due to the “crime” he committed by writing on his Facebook, urging harmony among Ethiopians, encouraging warring factions to reconcile, and imploring the Ethiopian public to seek peace.
A Prisoner of Conscience
News reports allege that the prosecution has added new charges when presenting its revised case against Taye Danda’a. One such new charge is that Taye “was arrested while trying to flee the country,” despite overwhelming evidence that he was taken out of his residence. According to Taye’s lawyer, “multiple legal breaches” were committed after he was taken into police custody. The police arrested him without a new court order, his house was searched at night, and he appeared in court without a lawyer. All these actions were a flagrant violation of the accused’s constitutional and legal rights. Taye’s illegal arrest and the proceedings afterwards prove that Ethiopia is now a police state that willfully violates established legal procedures to enforce lèse-majesté laws.
This begs the question of what prompted the police to act at this time. It is because Taye became a relentless champion of truth, an advocate for justice, and an eloquent critic of the government. Since last April, Taye has been posting on his Facebook a series entitled, “The Suppressed Hard Truth.” In the following pages, I will quote excerpts from his writings to demonstrate that Taye was re-arrested for exercising his right to free speech enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution, which the high court of Ethiopia affirmed when it ruled the government’s charges were frivolous.
In commentary No. 2 of April 17, 2025, titled “Politics is Not Dirty,” Taye tackled the issue of politics under the Prosperity Party. He explained that the Ethiopian people, deeply offended by the way the ruling Prosperity Party had conducted politics, succumbed to the conventional wisdom that “politics is a dirty game” and became disengaged from any participation in politics. Taye acknowledges that the public is justified in believing that politics is a dirty game, given that the current crop of politicians has given politics a bad name by behaving in ways that don’t comport with the noble idea of public service. He writes:
In Ethiopia, politics has become synonymous with lies, corruption, lack of integrity, intrigue, and violence. In the eyes of the people, a politician is now an embodiment of corruption, deception, selfishness, betrayal, and extrajudicial execution. An honest public servant has come to be regarded as a “political neophyte” and marginalized as inexperienced in the art of political machinations. We are in an unfortunate situation. From this perspective, the notion that “politics is a dirty game” is justified.
However, politics is not dirty by its very nature. In its original definition, politics is the art of harmonizing conflicting interests. It is the act of putting in place a system that resolves conflicts and establishes a stable governing system. It strengthens weaknesses, helps the needy, heals the infirm, and vindicates truths. By ensuring the supremacy of the rule of law, politics safeguards public security, freedom, equality, and peace. This does not happen automatically. It requires public participation and the rise of patriotic and competent public servants to positions of authority.
The commentary goes on to describe how politics has disrupted life and dislocated people, pushing them out of the political arena. Taye asserts that withdrawal is not a solution. In the end, no one will be able to escape the effects of rotten politics in the public arena by retreating into one’s idyllic private life. Asserting that politics will inevitably spill over to the personal realm, he concludes by exhorting people to choose engagement over withdrawal.
Posted on April 24, 2025, Taye turned to the issue of the interminable violence in the country in his commentary no. 3. He titled the post in the interrogative: “Who is inciting us into conflict, why, and how?” In response, he writes:
Nowadays, it appears that hate permeates the [political] atmosphere. A controversial agenda is thrown into the public sphere every day. Information that would otherwise be taboo in our culture is spread in writing and speech, pitting people against each other. As a result, conflicts have resulted in the loss of countless lives. Mistrust and fear are increasing over time. It seems that mutual understanding and compassion have disappeared. People are poking a stick in someone’s wounds and boast about their exploits. The suffering of one is now an entertainment for another. Our very humanity has become meaningless. If the bonds that bind us were not strong, given the wicked scheme that was fabricated to goad people into conflict, we would long ago have exterminated each other in plain view of the world, in a manner similar to what happened in Rwanda. We are not out of the woods yet. Our existing value systems have eroded, and our problems have evolved into an existential threat. Who is pitting us against each other? Why and how does it divide us? We need to scrutinize it and find out!
In response to his questions, Taye writes that the culprit is not easy to pin down. What is incontrovertible, he says, is that only one player exists in the arena with the capability of manufacturing conflict by magnifying existing differences and vulnerabilities: the ruling party. As evidence, Taye identifies as the main structure of hate and violence “a state-supported cyber army,” organized in a variety of ways and trained to enflame tensions among Ethiopians. According to Taye, even activists who once were engaged in a genuine struggle have joined this dangerous scheme rather than exposing it. He concludes that citizens must overcome the division caused by the diversionary tactics of the powers-that-be and focus on fighting for justice, freedom, and equality, which is the single most effective way to achieve lasting peace.
“Who stands to gain from a fratricidal war?” was the title of commentary no. 5 of May 16, 2025. The piece begins by describing that wars have been raging in the Tigray, Oromia, and Amhara regions for the last several years. It asserts that, even though the guns have fallen silent in Tigray, there is genuine fear of relapse to conflict. As if the domestic conflict has not been devastating enough, there is a creeping conflict over reclaiming the Asab Port at a time when the economy is in the doldrums, health and education are in a sorry state, abduction and ransom are commonplace, impoverishing even members of the diaspora who must pay exorbitant sums to gain the release of their abducted loved ones. Still, writes Taye, the regime’s hired megaphones are shouting, “keep pushing,” inciting the government to open yet another war front with Eritrea. Who wants a never-ending war, and who benefits from it? Taye explores which segment of society gains from war:
Rural residents do not want war. Farmers and herders want peace more than anybody else. War has disrupted their lives. Their fields and gardens have been ruined. Their homesteads and crops have been repeatedly burned. Families are losing their children to the war on both sides of the conflict. …
War is not a choice for the soldier. We have heard this truth from General Kebede Regasa. Even the prime minister has reported to parliament that soldiers are killed every day. The Ethiopian soldier is obviously tired of killing his brothers and being killed by them. … The militia and most of the civilian leadership want peace above all else, so that they can work and raise their children peacefully. … The war has caused great distress to city dwellers and civil service employees. Drivers and passengers are kidnapped, killed, and robbed, thus restricting the movement of people and goods.
War is not a suitable condition for businesspeople who must operate in all regions. The ongoing war has severely weakened businesses. Factories have found it difficult to find workers and markets for their products.
In this extended commentary, Taye states that the civil war has cost the country at least $240 billion in property damages, excluding the human toll and the consequent losses. The only beneficiaries of war are the “residents of the island of prosperity,” a reference to the ruling cabal in Addis Ababa, who live a seemingly comfortable life in the capital city, detached from the rest of the war-torn country.
Another issue that was serious enough to attract Taye’s criticism was the issue of accountability. In the piece no. 6, posted on May 15, 2025, titled “What parliament must do,” Taye discusses the Ethiopian parliament’s failure to discharge its constitutional duty to oversee the activities of the executive branch. He outlines the constitutional provisions that give sole power to the people’s representatives in exercising sovereignty. He also cites articles that pertain to the division of powers, the duties of the prime minister, and parliament’s duty to oversee the executive. Recalling the previous government’s relationship with the parliament, Taye writes:
During the EPRDF era, the severest violation of constitutional principles was committed through party procedural tactics. The party paid lip service to abiding by the constitution, but it died without living up to its words in practice. Members of parliament were coerced into supporting legislation that contradicted the constitution. Any MP who sought to assert parliamentary oversight in loyalty to the constitutional requirements of acting in accordance with their conscience, constituents, and the constitution was subjected to a secret party disciplinary review. Under such coercive tactics, an undesirable culture of self-serving servility prevailed in parliament, allowing the executive branch to violate the rights and interests of citizens with impunity. Corruption and human rights violations run rampant because of the parliament’s subservience to the executive branch.
Following the change of government, the parliament was expected to change the unconstitutional procedures that prevailed under the defunct system and promote transparency and accountability by increasing oversight on the executive. However, the situation has gone from bad to worse. The parliament, which was once under the control of party politics, has now become the prime minister’s theater hall where he plays out his esoteric drama.
The piece goes on to provide three examples where the prime minister engaged in behaviors unbecoming of the dignity of his office and the moral and legal imperative of serving in absolute loyalty to the constitution. Taye asserts that a prime minister publicly and willfully denigrates and flouts the constitution and recommends that he must be removed from office and brought to account for his deeds. However, the rise of an unaccountable autocrat is not the prime minister’s recalcitrance but the failure of the parliament to live up to its constitutional duties.
Titled “Access to the sea as a determinant of the country’s viability,” the issue of acquiring a port and its consequences is discussed in commentary no. 7, posted on May 21, 2025. In this piece, Taye questions why the Ethiopian government presents the need for “access to the sea” as if it is inextricably linked to the “survival of the country.” He writes:
In recent days, the airwaves have been polluted by the rhetoric of the residents of the island of prosperity and their supporters. There is no question that access to the sea is essential. It has been almost two years since the agenda became the obsession of the money launderers currently ruling Ethiopia. During this time, a lot of controversy has arisen. For one, a document of unknown content was signed with Somaliland, and the people were told to express joy through ululation for “access to the sea had been attained peacefully.”
As a result, we have been embroiled in controversy and confrontation with Mogadishu for more than a year, attracting other forces to the region and exposing Ethiopians living in Somalia to murder and torture. After the document was silently torn up in Ankara, our compatriots living in Hargeisa were left vulnerable to tremendous suffering.
These days, the matter has become a casus belli for the hired guns of the regime. The subject of the acquisition of the Asab port is portrayed as an existential issue for the country. In connection with this, the high priests of the regime are beating the drumbeat of war. What does this mean for our people and our country? As important as the port is, is this issue really related to our national survival?
Basically, there is no logical or empirical connection between a seaport and the survival of a country. This can be explained in two ways. One is that there are countries that have done well and grown stronger without having a seaport. …. On the other hand, littoral countries have crumbled despite possessing a seaport. This shows that the existence of a seaport is not a guarantee for the survival of a country.
… The real reason for continuous war is found in Erkabina Menber (The Saddle and Stirrup), the book that [the prime minister] has written: “Tell them a story they want to hear and then guide them to their destruction.” This means that the notion that the “viability of the country is tied to owning a port” is a story that has no relevance for us. It does not apply to those of us outside the high-flying aircraft of the Prosperity Party members. Our survival as a country depends on peaceful engagement and cooperation; it is not guaranteed by war and confrontation.
The upshot of Taye’s argument is that the way regime officials state the quest for a port as an existential issue cannot serve a national objective. Its hidden purpose is to use it as a goad for national confusion to buy time for the regime. Taye’s commentary on this issue lays bare the difference between a deliberate pursuit of a national interest and a deceptive prodding to spread political confusion. The sad part of it is that the drumbeat of war is threatening to plunge Ethiopia into another conflict with Eritrea.
In this essay, I translated and used a small portion of Taye’s commentaries to demonstrate that he has done nothing wrong to be arrested on grounds of charges that were dismissed by the court that investigated the charges against him. Taye is a victim of the Ethiopian prime minister’s vindictive disposition, a principled person who is not afraid to speak truth to power and willing to pay what it takes to defend his rights.
Another character quality that Taye demonstrated is that he is not afraid of owning up to his misjudgments and apologizing for his misdeeds. Even though I wrote about him, his case is one among thousands of Oromo objectors to war, domination, and despotism who are languishing in Prosperity Party prisons.
Reconcile Word and Deed
To conclude, let me go back to where we started. The Jesus whom the prime minister conveniently invokes as his life model was also a fierce critic of the Pharisees for their hypocrisy of consistently showing off their piety with their words and public appearances, but acting in private in ways that contradict their pronouncements. I have shown in this piece that Taye Dandaa’s criticisms were not directed at the person of Abiy Ahmed but at the prime minister of Ethiopia. Yet, he suffers from the undomesticated drive of the wrath of a prime minister who acts like the Pharisee, proclaiming love in Berlin and acting out a personal vendetta against Taya Danda’a in Addis Ababa.
Based on his demonstrated pattern of behavior, the prime minister is intrinsically incapable of backing away from exacting revenge and is never satisfied with a punishment that stops short of eliminating his critics and those whom he perceives as a potential threat to his power. If this prime minister is a God-fearing person, leave alone a government official entrusted with the task of protecting citizens and their rights, he has a chance to live up to what he preaches and release Taye Danda’a and the thousands of prisoners he has thrown into the cruel dungeons that now litter the country. Just for a change, he can follow the scriptural admonition, “vengeance is mine, I shall repay the debt,” mentioned in both the New and Old Testament.”
In making this statement, I am not oblivious to the pattern of behavior of Prosperity Party officials trying to take refuge behind legal formalities, twisted logic, linguistic jargon, and empty platitudes to defend their prime minister. They would state boldly that Taye and the thousands of prisoners languishing in prisons across the country are suspected criminals, and the government has the responsibility of enforcing the law to protect the public. There has not been a single case where a political prisoner has been convicted of a political crime in Ethiopia. Taye is a symbol of thousands of prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia. Release them all!