February 14, 2026
By Beruhtesfa
Denmark
Introduction
Ethiopia is in an acute political and social crisis and is on its way to becoming a weakened or potentially failed state. The country’s problems are deeply structural and systemic, stemming from a political system in which ethnicity is made the primary organizing principle of power, territory, and political representation. This model has not only undermined the institutional legitimacy of the state, but also triggered systematic violence against populations – especially Amhara.1
Since 1991, Ethiopia has had a constitution that explicitly links political representation, territory, and state resources to ethnicity. This ethnocentric federal system, introduced under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), has institutionalized ethnicity as a political identity and legitimized “us and them” discourses. The national collective identity has been undermined and the state’s ability to maintain law, order and the fundamental rights of its citizens has been weakened.
From a sociological perspective, this is a classic link between structural social dysfunction and increased risk of collective violence. The ethnically based regions function as autonomous subsystems, whose security apparatuses are increasingly in opposition to the state. This has undermined the country’s social capital – i.e. trust, reciprocity and cooperation – and thus made society more vulnerable to systematic ethnic violence. Systematic persecution and genocide against Amhara
The systematic persecution of the Amhara population escalated after Abiy Ahmed’s rise to power in 2018. Despite initial promises of national dialogue and democratic reforms, his government has pursued and intensified ethnically polarizing policies. Hundreds of thousands of Amhara have been killed on the basis of their ethnicity alone, especially in the Amhara and Oromia region. Civilians are subjected to detention, killings, forced displacement and other forms of systematic repression, while the state either fails to protect them or directly participates in the abuses.2
This constitutes clear violations of international law, including the UN Genocide Convention, as well as the state’s international responsibility to protect (Responsibility to Protect R2P). 3The systematic and outright marginalization and dehumanisation of Amhara meets the legal criteria for genocide: killing, serious physical and mental harm, arbitrary forced removal, and enforced living standards that impede the normal life of a society4.
Persistent exposure to horrific events and collective traumatization among the Amhara population in Ethiopia can over time give rise to collective trauma that can be viewed as a sociopathological consequence.
Key societal values such as justice, mutual recognition and tolerance have been systematically eroded, and violence has become normalized as a political instrument. The ethnically polarizing ideology has created deep collective traumatization, further undermining both social and psychological resilience. From a sociological perspective, the situation illustrates how ethnically institutionalized systems can degenerate into social dysfunction and violence against civilians. The Amhara population’s exposure to structural violence and dehumanization is a consequence of the ethnically based constitutional model and the state’s inability or unwillingness to protect its citizens.
There are an estimated more than 10 million people of Amhara ethnicity living in the region of Oromia. Especially in the areas of Wellega and Arsi, significant parts of the Amhara population have been subjected to forced displacement from their settlements.
From 2022 until today, according to a number of reports and witness accounts, the Amhara population has been subject to systematic abuses, including killings, abductions and expropriation of property. The abuses are attributed to both regional security forces and the armed group Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). These actions can be analyzed as an expression of a practice in which the Amhara population is regarded as politically and ethnically illegitimate in the Oromia region. In this context, the forced displacements and violence are legitimized by reference to the fact that the state is defined as ethnic Oromo territory, which means that the Amhara population is constructed as foreign and thus excluded from the regional community5.
Methodological and theoretical approach
The analysis is based on a qualitative, theoretically informed reading of existing secondary literature, including reports from international human rights organizations, academic literature on Ethiopian politics, and sociological and social psychological theories of violence, marginalization, and citizenship. Theoretically, the article primarily draws on:
• T.H. Marshall’s Theory of Citizenship
• Jürgen Habermas’ concepts of the system world, the lifeworld and communicative action • Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of capital, field and symbolic violence
• Johan Galtung’s concept of structural violence
• Robert K. Merton’s Strain Theory
The theories are used analytically as interpretive frameworks and not as causal explanations in the narrow sense.
Purpose
The purpose of this article is to conduct a comprehensive sociological and social-psychological analysis of the conflict in Ethiopia with a particular focus on the situation of the Amhara population. The article has three main purposes:
1. To analyze how the ethnically based federal constitutional model has contributed to structural exclusion, social disintegration, and escalating collective violence.
2. To elucidate the social, psychological and material consequences of the systematic violence against the Amhara population through concepts such as structural violence, strain, citizenship theory, social capital and collective traumatization, the system world, the lifeworld and communicative action.
3. To place the war in an international and normative framework by assessing the state’s responsibility in relation to international law and discussing the role and co-responsibility of the international community.
Thus, the article seeks not only to describe the conflict, but to explain its structural causes and consequences, as well as to provide an analytical basis for political, legal and humanitarian action.
Clarification of concepts:
Oromo: ethnic groups in Ethiopia
Amhara: ethnic groups in Ethiopia
Tigray: Ethnic group in Ethiopia
TPLF: Tigray People Liberation Party (politicks organization)
AFNM: (Amhara Fano Nation Movement) is a rebel group that fights for Amhara people’s rights. Prosperity Party: incumbent government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
BADEN: part of the Prosperity party, which governs the region of Amhara. (Organization of politics) Welega is a region of Oromia state
Arsi: city in Oromia Region
Context:
Ethiopia’s ethnically based federal system – context and structure Constitutional organization Ethiopia is one of Africa’s most populous countries, with a population of around 120–125 million people, making it the second most populated in Africa after Nigeria. The population is very young, with more than half of the population under the age of 25 and the majority still living in rural rather than urban areas. The capital, Addis Ababa, serves as the country’s political and administrative center and is also home to the African Union.
Since 1995, Ethiopia has been organized as an ethno-linguistic federal state. The country is divided into 12 regional states as well as two chartered cities (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa). The borders of the regions largely follow ethnic and linguistic divides, and the constitution links political representation, territory and access to resources directly to ethnicity.
The regions have considerable autonomy in areas such as language, culture, education, and local legislation, while the central government controls defense, foreign policy, and overall national affairs. In practice, however, this system has created autonomous centres of power, with regional security forces increasingly operating independently – and sometimes in opposition – to the state6.
Ethnically based federalism as a structural cause.
Ethiopia is in an escalating armed war between the federal government and several ethnically organized rebel movements, including the Amhara Fano National Movement. The war is unfolding not only as a military confrontation, but as a result of deep-seated structural tensions rooted in the country’s ethnically based federalism. This article analyses the conflict based on social psychological and sociological theories of marginalization.
The Amhara Fano National Movement has emerged as a reaction to the Amhara people’s experience of direct and systematic exclusion, lack of protection and direct state violence. The Amhara region is currently the subject of extensive military offensives, including bombardments with drones and fighter jets, as well as massive ground operations. These actions have resulted in widespread civilian casualties and serious human rights violations7. Reports of indiscriminate killings, sexual assaults8 – including rape of young girls and mothers – and systematic terrorization of the civilian population point to a pattern of collective punishment. 9In this context, large sections of the Amhara population organize themselves under the Fano umbrella as a means of self-protection.
The official objective of the Ethiopian state should have been to promote national stability, political representation and development. However, ethnic-based federalism has contributed to institutionalizing discrimination, where access to power, security and resources is in practice conditioned by ethnicity rather than universal civil rights10.
Citizenship, loss of rights and lived experiences among the Amhara population In order to concretize the everyday life and lived experiences of the Amhara people in Ethiopia, the British sociologist T.H. Marshall’s theory of citizenship can11 be included. Marshall considers full citizenship to be dependent on three inseparable dimensions of rights: civil, political, and social rights12. When these rights are systematically undermined, citizens are de facto reduced to lawless subjects rather than full citizens.
In light of the ethnically based federal structure and the documented structural violence against the Amhara population, their situation stands as an example of a fundamental collapse in the material and symbolic content of citizenship.
Civil Liberties13: The Collapse of the Rule of Law
According to Marshall, civil rights include freedom of speech, press and assembly, as well as the right to property and legal protection. In Ethiopia, these rights have been largely suspended for the Amhara population. Citizens protesting against violence, kidnappings and ethnic persecution are met with arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, humiliation and, in some cases, killings14.
Journalists, bloggers and political activists are being prosecuted under anti-terrorism legislation, which is widely used to criminalize criticism of the state. When the mechanisms of the rule of law no longer function as protection, collective attempts at self-defense emerge – as Marshall predicts.
It is important to include the German sociologist Jürgen Habermas’ theory of the lifeworld, the system world15 and communicative action16, as this theory provides a nuanced and analytically strong picture of the situation in which the Amhara population finds itself.
Habermas distinguishes between the system world and the lifeworld as two analytically separate spheres. The system world includes the state, administration, military, and economy, and is governed by instrumental rationality, power, and money. Here, the focus is on efficiency, control and functionality.
The lifeworld, on the other hand, refers to people’s daily lives and social practices, including family, communities, culture, norms and identity. The lifeworld is reproduced through communicative action, which is based on mutual understanding, recognition and meaning making. Where the lifeworld asks questions such as: What is legitimate, meaningful and right? The system world primarily asks: What works? The communicative act is the core of legitimacy. Communicative action occurs when people seek mutual understanding and recognize each other as equal interlocutors in a dialogue that is not dominated by power or coercion17.
Based on Habermas’ theory of system and lifeworld, the conflict in the Amhara region can be understood as a result of the state’s colonization of the lifeworld. The federal state operates largely through the instrumental rationality of the system, where the use of military force and security discourses replace communicative action. The Amhara population is thus excluded from legitimate deliberative processes, where political disagreements could otherwise have been worked through dialogue and mutual recognition. When communicative rationality is rendered ineffective, the legitimacy of the state is undermined, creating a structural crisis of legitimacy and increasing the likelihood of collective resistance. In this context, the Amhara Fano National Movement is fighting against the regime to counter the existential threats directed at the Amhara population.
The situation of the Amhara population illustrates Habermas’ theory of the system’s colonization of the lifeworld with particular clarity. The military and administrative interventions of the state are displacing communicative action, replacing dialogue, recognition, and cultural reproduction with coercion, security logic, and technocratic control. When the institutions of the lifeworld – such as school, community and cultural identity – are broken down, the state loses its normative legitimacy, which creates fertile ground for collective resistance.
The emergence of the Fano movement can be understood in this perspective as a reaction to a breakdown in the institutional guarantees of civil rights.
The consequence is a loss of hope for the future, which has contributed to massive flight towards North Africa, the Middle East and Europe. Thus, the violation of civil liberties becomes not just a national problem, but a structural driver of migration, where European states are indirectly involved in the maintenance of authoritarian regimes through economic and political relations.
I will include how development aid can contribute to the reproduction of migration. I will use two key concepts that are often used to explain migration processes, namely push and pull effects. Migration does not occur by chance but is closely linked to political structures and power relations. In countries such as Ethiopia, especially in the Amhara region, authoritarian and conflict-ridden regimes themselves produce migration through political and military repression, collective punishment and a widespread militarization of everyday life. When people feel threatened in terms of their physical safety and existential basis, a deep uncertainty about the future arises. In this situation, migration becomes an alternative for survival. This is referred to as the push effect18, where people are pushed away from their homeland due to violence, oppression and lack of life opportunities.
The pull effect19 relates to the conditions that make flight and migration attractive or necessary for survival. In contexts characterized by massive repression, fleeing becomes not just a choice, but an existential condition: Either you flee, or you risk imprisonment, violence, or death. Migration thus becomes the alpha and omega for survival.
A vicious circle is thus created in which Western countries support authoritarian regimes through development aid and security policy cooperation for the purposes of migration control and regional stability. These funds are often channeled through state systems, which strengthens the regimes’ control apparatus and at the same time frees up resources for military rearmament and repression. The paradox is that Western states on the one hand want to limit migration, but on the other hand provide financial support to authoritarian regimes. In doing so, they contribute indirectly to the mechanisms that produce refugees. Western countries will thus finance the structures that they are at the same time trying to mitigate the consequences of.
When the Amhara people are subjected to military violence, school closures and economic exclusion, they lose both physical security and future prospects. Migration therefore appears to be a rational strategy for regaining control over one’s own life. At the same time, Western states’ economic and security policy cooperation with the Ethiopian state indirectly contributes to the maintenance of the structures that produce this migration. Western societies thus become not only destinations for migrants, but also co-producers of the conditions that drive migration.
Political rights20: Exclusion from representation
Political rights – the right to vote, stand for election and organize oneself politically – are formally present, but in reality, severely restricted. Political power is concentrated around Abiy Ahmed’s government and the Prosperity Party, which has effectively marginalized the Amhara population.
Members of parliament with parliamentary immunity have been arrested because of their ethnic origin, as they belong to the Amhara ethnic group. One example is Kristian Taddele, who is a member of parliament and is currently being arrested solely because he has expressed his political opinions in the Folketing chamber.
The parliamentary chain of government, in which power is delegated from the sovereign people via elected representatives to the parliament and on to the government, which is to manage the decisions taken in parliament, has broken down. There is no longer a real separation of powers or a system of checks and balances. This means that formally there is a parliament, but it no longer possesses the power conferred on it by the people. Instead, power has been taken over by the regime, and the parliament uncritically follows the prime minister’s decisions. There is in reality neither law nor order in Ethiopia, even though the regime gives the impression to the contrary. The Prime Minister is effectively above the law.
According to Human Rights Watch, there are extensive arrests of people who express opinions and beliefs that are critical of the regime. The current regime allows only one dominant narrative – a metanarrative – that serves the regime’s political objectives and visions. There is no real opportunity to discuss different points of view or political opinions, which are otherwise a prerequisite for a democratic society.
In practice, there is one dominant party, the Prosperity Party, which is dominated by Oromo elites, and which sets the country’s current and future social, economic and political course.
The current regime, represented by the Prosperity Party, has a majority in parliament. However, this majority is not the result of free and fair elections. On the contrary, the regime manipulates the electoral process through bribery, threats against voters and other forms of intimidation in order to secure the most votes. The opposition parties have no real influence in the election campaign, as their members are systematically persecuted by the regime’s security forces. The regime is deceiving not only its own people, but also the international community, by giving the impression that democratic elections are being held.
In the Oromia region, the Amhara cannot run for political office, as the region is defined as ethnic Oromo territory. Despite the fact that over 10 million Amhar live in the region, they are considered politically alien also in the Amhara region, political representation is illusory. The official Amharic party, BADEN, acts primarily as an ally of the government and lacks popular legitimacy among Amhara. The party has historically legitimized marginalization and today continues this role.
Although the government emphasizes regular elections to the international community, these are perceived by the population as show elections with no real alternatives. The absence of the opportunity to dismiss unwanted leaders constitutes a fundamental violation of democratic principles and reinforces the experience of political powerlessness.
Social rights: inequality as a tool of governance21
According to Marshall, social rights are essential for a dignified life and include access to education, health, and community resources. In Ethiopia, these rights are unevenly distributed and increasingly politicized.
Access to education, health services and development opportunities is conditioned by ethnicity and political loyalty.
For the Amhara population, this means systematic exclusion from social institutions, which further exacerbates poverty, marginalization, and dependency. Thus, social rights do not function as universal welfare guarantees, but as an instrument of political control. This contributes to the erosion of capital and social disintegration previously described, which undermines both individual and collective resilience.
Overall rating
Seen through Marshall’s theory of citizenship, the situation of the Amhara population appears as a comprehensive loss of rights on all three dimensions. Citizens are deprived not only of concrete rights, but also of the symbolic status of full citizens. This supports the analysis of the conflict as a structural and systemic problem, where ethnically based federalism, structural violence, and state exclusion together produce collective powerlessness, resistance, and persistent social destabilization. For the Amhara people, this means that legitimate and institutional means of protection, political participation and the rule of law are unavailable. The situation can be analyzed through Robert K. Merton’s strain theory, in which the discrepancy between culturally defined goals (safety, participation, dignity) and the available legitimate means produces structural pressure. This pressure increases the likelihood of collective forms of dissent, including armed resistance.
Capital loss, dominance relations and social disintegration – a Bourdieuan analysis With Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of capital22, field and habitus, the current position of the Amhara population can be understood as the result of a profound and cumulative loss of capital, which is not only material, but also symbolic and structural. Violence and exclusion thus do not strike randomly but reproduce and reinforce existing power relations within the political and social field in Ethiopia.
Economic Capital23: Expropriation and Existential Insecurity
The Amhara people experience a systematic loss of economic capital through war, confiscation, destruction of property, and exclusion from the labor market. Farmland, homes and business assets have been destroyed or taken over, and many families have been reduced to internal displacement without access to stable sources of income.
In Bourdieu’s sense, this means not only poverty, but loss of agency in the social space. The lack of economic capital limits the possibility of converting to other forms of capital – e.g. education (cultural capital), networks (social capital) and recognition (symbolic capital). Economic expropriation thus functions as a fundamental mechanism of structural violence.
Cultural Capital24: Interrupted Reproduction and Future Loss
Cultural capital – especially in institutionalized form through education – has been massively undermined. School closures, the killing of teachers, the exodus and the militarization of communities have disrupted the inter-generational transfer of knowledge, skills and social codes.
This weakens the Amhara population’s ability for long-term social mobility and positioning in the national field. Seen through Bourdieu’s theory of reproduction, it is a structural break in society’s ability to reproduce itself, where an entire generation risks being permanently marginalized.
The Ethiopian regime is acting in direct violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Ethiopia has acceded along with 196 other countries. The right to education is an inviolable human right, but the government has chosen to violate this international convention, while the international community has chosen to remain passive.
According to Human Rights Watch, 4,178 schools have been closed in the Amhara region. In the long run, this will lead to a shortage of educated citizens in the region. Young people who are marginalized from the education system will thus lack cultural capital, which makes it difficult for them to compete or integrate with schoolchildren from other parts of the country. This inequality creates frustration among young people in Amhara, which can lead to different social reactions. Some of these reactions may include armed resistance or migration. These actions and their consequences can have both direct and indirect implications for the international community.
Social Capital25: Dismantling Collective Networks
Social capital – understood as access to networks, trust relationships and mutual support – has been systematically degraded. Forced displacements, mass arrests and fear have dissolved local communities, religious structures and familial networks. The so-called Urbanization and Urban Development projects have led to forced displacements and house demolitions, which have dissolved local communities, networks and social support structures. This fragmentation weakens collective action and increases vulnerability. From a Bourdieuan perspective, this is particularly serious because social capital often acts as a compensatory resource in situations of low economic capital. When both economic and social capital are undermined simultaneously, the collective resilience of the group is significantly reduced.
Symbolic capital26: Delegitimization, stigmatization, and symbolic violence
Perhaps the most pervasive dimension is the loss of symbolic capital. The Amhara identity has increasingly been portrayed as politically suspect, historically illegitimate, or outright threatening. National symbols, historical narratives, and cultural markers, which previously carried high symbolic value, have been redefined as signs of dominance or hostility.
This constitutes an example of symbolic violence in Bourdieu’s sense: a form of power in which dominance is naturalized and internalized through discourses and institutional practices. When the Amhara people are deprived of legitimate symbolic recognition, their ability to claim rights, protection and political representation is also weakened.
Political capital27 and field position
Finally, the marginalization of the Amhara population can be understood as a loss of political capital – i.e. access to decision-making processes, representation and institutional influence. In the political field, power is concentrated in the hands of the Oromo ethnic group and state actors, who control both the material and symbolic power of definition.
Overall, this places the Amhara population in a structurally dominated position in the social space, where losses in one form of capital amplify losses in others. This cumulative erosion of capital contributes to social disintegration, collective powerlessness and, ultimately, armed resistance as the last available form of action.
Structural violence and the legitimization of resistance the conflict can be further understood through Johan Galtung’s concept of structural violence28, where social structures systematically prevent certain groups from meeting their basic needs. When violence is embedded in political, economic and institutional arrangements, it becomes less visible but all the more destructive. In this perspective, the resistance of the Amhara population appears not only as a political or military phenomenon, but as a social-psychological response to long-term marginalization, existential threat, and loss of dignity.
Recently, a video clip has been circulating on social media in which an Ethiopian stand-up comedian named Yasino is confronted by his landlord because he has not paid three months’ rent. In the situation, Yasino is in the process of selling his children’s computer in order to be able to pay. The landlord insists on immediate payment, and the confrontation escalates until Yasino shouts in anger, “I’m trying to pay you.”እየሞከርኩ ነው”
Although the statement appears at first glance as an individual cry in a concrete economic conflict, it contains a much broader societal significance. The statement can be analyzed as a collective testimony from a society where the basis of existence is under systematic pressure. It is not about life in the normative sense, but about survival. Not about hope, but about exhaustion. Not about individual failures, but about structural conditions.
Yasino is not primarily talking about economic deprivation, but about an existential state where the future has disappeared as a real possibility. When people are reduced to “trying” – trying to pay rent, trying to send children to school, trying to survive – it is an expression of a society where the coherence of life has broken down.
In authoritarian systems such as the Ethiopian, repression is not solely a matter of direct violence. Violence is visible and can in itself mobilize resistance, which can be seen, among other things, in the emergence of the Amhara Fano National Movement in response to state repression. But parallel to physical violence operates a more slow and effective form of power: the systematic erosion of hope.
When unemployment, poverty, the arbitrary use of force and institutional illegitimacy become permanent conditions, a state arises in which people lose faith in the meaning of their actions. The statement “I try” thus becomes a symbol of a structural powerlessness, where life is no longer experienced as a project, but as a daily struggle for survival.
Émile Durkheim described a related condition as anomie, understood as the dissolution of norms and loss of social regulation. In authoritarian regimes, however, the problem is not a lack of rules, but a lack of meaning. The rules are not perceived as legitimate or fair, but as arbitrary. The future does not appear as open, but as closed. The result is not necessarily rebellion, but resignation.
In this view, hopelessness does not become an individual psychological problem, but a politically produced condition.
Conclusion
Conclusion What is currently unfolding in Ethiopia constitutes a profound humanitarian and structural crisis characterized by systematic violence against the civilian population. In a global context characterized by human rights discourses and international conventions, the silence of the international community appears as a co-producing factor that contributes to the normalization of violence.
The war in the Amhara region should therefore be understood not only as an internal security policy challenge, but as a serious example of how structural exclusion, ethnic politicization and the use of state force can converge in collective suffering and armed resistance.
The international community has so far reacted inadequately to the abuses. Denmark and other donor countries should reassess their development support to Ethiopia in light of the extensive and documented human rights violations. Development aid cannot be legitimized when it indirectly supports a regime that is waging war against its own population and committing direct and systematic abuses against ethnic groups, such as the Amhara. To avoid further collapse of state authority and social cohesion, a fundamental showdown with the ethnically based constitutional model is required, a rebuilding of social capital and the establishment of institutions that protect all citizens on equal terms – regardless of ethnicity.
Notes :
1 https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/01/ethiopia-urgent-international-action-needed-to-end-mass-arbitrary detentions-in-the-amhara-region/
2 https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/11/ethiopia-end-the-month-long-arbitrary-detention-of-thousands-in-amhara region/
3 https://um.dk/udenrigspolitik/folkeretten/folkeretten-a/responsibility-to-protect
4 https://folkedrab.dk/hvad-er-folkedrab/folkedrab-andre-internationale-forbrydelser
5 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persecution_of_Amhara_people
6 https://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regioner_i_Etiopien
7 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/ethiopia
8 https://www.ft.dk/samling/20241/almdel/uui/bilag/13/2920082.pdf
9 https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2p8dpw1rwo
10 Social Work, Theory and Perspectives:2017 p.89-92
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/01/ethiopia-urgent-international-action-needed-to-end-mass-arbitrary detentions-in-the-amhara-region/
15 Videnskabsteori i samfunnsvidenskaberne, 2009, 2nd edition, p. 574-575Lars Fuglsang & Poul Bitsch Olsen
16 Ibid. pp.576 & 583
17 Ibid.
18 https://www.eu.dk/da/temaer/asyl-og-migration/hvorfor-er-der-migration
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid.
22 Sociology in Social Counselling & Social Work :2013 pages 100-101
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid.
27 Sociology in Social Counselling & Social Work :2013 page 98
28 Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization: (1996) pp.70-90.
Bibliography:
Book:
Sociology in Social Counseling and Social Work. Edited by Steen Juul Hansen, 1 edition, 3rd edition, Hans Reitzels Forlag.
Social Worker, Theories & Perspectives 2nd edition, Jens Guldager & Marianne Skytte, Akademisk Forlag. Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization: Johan Galtung (1996) Chapters 3 & 4 pages 70-90, SAGE Publications.
Videnskabsteori i samfunnsvidenskaberne, 2009, 2nd edition, p. 574-575Lars Fuglsang & Poul Bitsch Olsen At home sits:
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/01/ethiopia-urgent-international-action-needed-to-end-mass arbitrary-detentions-in-the-amhara-region/
https://folkedrab.dk/hvad-er-folkedrab/folkedrab-andre-internationale-forbrydelser https://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regioner_i_Etiopien
https://www.ft.dk/samling/20241/almdel/uui/bilag/13/2920082.pdf
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2p8dpw1rwo
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/11/ethiopia-end-the-month-long-arbitrary-detention-of thousands-in-amhara-region/
https://um.dk/udenrigspolitik/folkeretten/folkeretten-a/responsibility-to-protect
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/01/ethiopia-urgent-international-action-needed-to-end-mass arbitrary-detentions-in-the-amhara-region/
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/ethiopia
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/ethiopia
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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