March 23, 2026
An Expanded Version Of A Letter I Sent To Honourable Secretary Marco Rubio
I write this to review the longstanding relationship between the two nations and the two people. As we celebrate 120 years of diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and the United States, we honor a long history of partnership. This March marks the 120th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the USA and Ethiopia, a partnership historically anchored in mutual interests and regional stability. However, this centennial milestone arrives at a critical juncture. The U.S. has often stood by this ancient nation, yet today, many Ethiopians feel forgotten—oppressed and suppressed by their own government. Ethiopia currently faces a profound internal crisis, including documented human rights violations and significant civil unrest that threaten its unity and foundational role in the Horn of Africa. While global attention is understandably divided by other international conflicts, neglecting Ethiopia’s stability invites a wider regional crisis. To preserve its legacy as a “bright spot” in Africa and a strategic presence in the Horn of Africa, the U.S. must prioritize proactive engagement to help restore the rule of law and secure a peaceful future and stability that benefits mutual strategic interests in the Horn, along the Red Sea coast, and the wider crisis in the Middle East. The lack of decisive action by the US on Ethiopia has been taken as a license by the current regime to continue a cycle of violence and destabilization.
Many Ethiopians and US diplomats who are closely watching the situation contend that the regime led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has undermined the long-standing unity that, for centuries, bound various ethnic groups together through the wisdom of our ancestors and the tolerance of our people. This cohesion is now severely challenged by an attempt to establish an apartheid-like political system that privileges one ethnic group above all others, granting them disproportionate control over political power and national resources. Furthermore, this exclusionary ethnic policy has been embedded within the constitutional draft approved by a small clique, including members of the TPLF and the PM’s own Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).
The current constitutional framework incorporates an ethnic policy that has provoked widespread resistance over the years. This mounting opposition has, in turn, prompted the regime to resort to brutal measures and provoke the neighboring countries. Severe security problems and instability in Ethiopia and the region, shifting towards proxy war, proliferation of mercenary groups, and the displacement of millions of young people from across the region, willing to join any cause, are largely a consequence of an irresponsible, ethnocentric government at odds with each of its neighbors. Historically, Ethiopia has maintained a significant and respected position with the USA, the A.U, the UN members, and the international community. However, the current administration is unique globally for fracturing national security along ethnic lines to enforce the supremacy of one ethnic group over all others. In its pursuit of this supremacy, the regime has committed genocide and crimes against humanity, particularly through declared war against the majority Judeo-Christian (Amhara) population, which has just mounted formidable resistance. This resistance to authoritarian rule has been steadily growing, gaining widespread popularity among diverse segments of the population disillusioned by exclusion. Facing mounting pressure from protests, strikes, and armed insurgencies, the regime was compelled to resort to brutal tactics, including systematic genocide and widespread crimes against humanity. These atrocities—marked by mass executions, forced starvation, and targeted village razings—have inflicted enormous suffering, displacing millions into refugee camps across neighboring countries and killing tens of thousands. The explicit intention behind this campaign has been to eradicate or subjugate the Judeo-Christian (Orthodox Church) Amhara people, who form the majority of the population and have long been scapegoated as political rivals by the ruling elite.
The legitimate movement that has emerged ( The Fano Movement), established to protect and defend the people from these atrocities, deserves urgent support from the United States. The USA has been an ally of the people of Ethiopia for 120 years.. The historical relationship is one of the oldest and most enduring diplomatic ties in Africa, Ethiopia being the only uncolonized African country. A formal diplomatic relationship was established in 1903 when Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia and US Emissary Robert P Skinner. Both parties signed a Treaty of Amity and Commerce. Ethiopia was one of the very first countries to invite the Peace Corps to establish its program in 1962, just one year after the Peace Corps was founded, reinforcing the ties between the two people. The US was one of the handful of nations that refused to recognize Italy’s occupation of Ethiopia after the 1935 invasion. The ties deepened during and after World War Two. Ethiopia and Liberia were the only African signatories of the UN Charter in 1947. Under Emperor Haile Selassie, America and Ethiopia’s relationship was at its closest. The 1974 Marxist Revolution briefly fractured ( 17 years). Despite Ethiopia’s close alignment with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, Ethiopia received massive humanitarian aid through the US government and directly from the people of America. The U.S government and American people stepped up to lead the world’s response to the devastating 1983–1985 famine in Ethiopia. This catastrophe, triggered by drought, civil war, and failed socialist policies, killed close to 1 million people. The unprecedented relief aid from the people and the government of the USA saved the lives of hundreds of thousands. While superpower rivalries might have suggested indifference or even blockade from the West, Americans put humanity above geopolitics. The Reagan administration provided over $800 million in emergency aid, including food shipments via the massive “Operation Noah’s Ark” airlift—one of the largest in history. Ordinary citizens rallied too: USA for Africa raised $63 million through the iconic “We Are the World” single, co-written by Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie, while Bob Geldof’s Live Aid concerts (broadcast globally from the U.S. and UK) pulled in $125 million more, with American donors contributing the lion’s share. This episode exemplifies a core American value: people come first, before politics. Even amid ideological conflict, the U.S. chose compassion over calculation, saving countless lives and setting a model for global humanitarianism.
Once again, the same people whose lives America and its allies saved through the largest international humanitarian operation since the Second World War, the Ethiopian people, are under severe stress, imprisoned, displaced, killed, and tortured by their own government, which has refused a free and fair supervised election under a transitional government. For many members of the Amhara community—both within Ethiopia and in the diaspora—the emergence of local self-defense movements has been closely linked to a prolonged period of insecurity, political marginalization, and repeated episodes of violence targeting civilians. Over the past l two decades, and particularly during the past seven years, numerous credible reports from human rights organizations, journalists, and independent observers have documented incidents involving mass killings, forced displacement, arbitrary detention, and identity-based persecution affecting Amhara civilians in several regions of Ethiopia, mainly targeting Amhara, where they may be, but mostly in the Amhara region. Thousands of civilians have reportedly lost their lives in recurring attacks, while hundreds of thousands have been displaced from their homes. In addition, large numbers of individuals have been detained without charge or due process under security operations that disproportionately target members of the Amhara community. These developments have generated profound fear, instability, and mistrust among affected populations. In this context, many Ethiopians view local self-defense initiatives not as instruments of terrorism, but as reactions to the absence of effective protection for civilians and the failure of state institutions to prevent or respond adequately to repeated atrocities. While violence against civilians is unacceptable under any circumstances and must be condemned unequivocally, it is equally important that US and international organizations distinguish between armed extremist organizations and community-based movements that arise in environments of prolonged insecurity and political exclusion. The much-talked-about previous war between the regime and the TPLF was a manifestation of a power struggle and has nothing to do with the people. The Pretoria agreement attempted to solve the problem of this power struggle, not the underlying problem of ethnic politics. Today, the Amhara people face an existential threat. They refuse to be relegated to second-class citizenship in a nation whose independence and civilization they spent centuries building.
Two years ago, the Orthodox Church in the diaspora established a committee of legal experts known as Orthodox Church Against Genocide ( OTAGE) and began to record all the crimes committed against the Amhara people. The recorded atrocities and the narratives by the victims, which were staggering, were reviewed by international lawyers who affirmed that there was indeed a case for genocide against the Amhara and the Orthodox church. OTAGE hired international criminal lawyers and began consultation with the ICC to open a case against the perpetrators. Since Ethiopia was not a signatory to the Rome Statute, it became impossible for the ICC to send investigators to the ground. OTAGE stopped short of bringing the case to the ICC. But people continue to record all the criminal acts with the hope that one day these perpetrators will be brought to justice. We are prepared to show our files when requested. The international community has been blindsided by the façade and spectacle in Addis, which gives the impression of peace and stability in Ethiopia. The truth, as the international community in Addis can verify, is that nobody can safely drive to any place in Ethiopia outside the capital and a few other regional cities.
This relationship between the two people has endured through various eras, reflecting mutual respect for Ethiopia’s ancient sovereignty, its rich biblical and Koranic heritage, and its enduring role as a beacon of independence and cultural pride in Africa. Ethiopia stands out as one of the world’s oldest Christian nations, with a profound biblical legacy rooted in its ancient ties to the scriptures— from the Queen of Sheba to the early adoption of Christianity—and its preservation of sacred texts and traditions that have inspired generations across the continent. Americans have long recognized and admired this dignified history, viewing Ethiopia as a shining example of African resilience and spiritual depth.
Throughout the decades, the U.S. has demonstrated consistent support:
• In the early 20th century, through diplomatic recognition and trade agreements that honored its independence amid widespread colonial rule in Africa.
• During World War II and the post-war period, with aid, military cooperation (including the Korean War), and personal engagements like President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1944 meeting with Emperor Haile Selassie.
• In times of crisis, such as providing substantial humanitarian assistance during famines and supporting development efforts.
• As a steadfast ally in promoting regional stability, economic growth, and people-to-people ties.
This history underscores a deep appreciation for Ethiopia’s unique identity and contributions to African heritage. Today, as Ethiopia faces significant internal challenges—often described as a struggle for justice, freedom, democracy, and equality, against division, conflict, and instability—the call is clear: let us reaffirm this longstanding bond. Just as America has stood with Ethiopia in the past during moments of trial, now is the time to support the Ethiopian people once more in overcoming these internal difficulties. Through renewed dialogue, humanitarian aid, diplomatic encouragement, and collaborative efforts for peace and change through reconciliation for mutual interests, the United States can help Ethiopia reclaim its rightful place as a unified, prosperous leader in Africa—honoring the dignified legacy that has always defined this extraordinary nation. Ethiopia does not deserve what it has become today. America needs to rise to the occasion again, building on over a century of friendship to foster change, healing, stability, and progress for all Ethiopians.
On this 120th anniversary of the diplomatic ties, let us renew the strategic and people-to-people bond between the United States and Ethiopia. We honor the American spirit of discovery and the profound heritage of the Ethiopian people—the cradle of mankind—as we deepen our cooperation in regional peace, security, and mutual prosperity. Through sustained diplomatic engagement with the Fano Movement and other opposition groups and candid dialogue addressing the underlying causes of the crisis, and coordinated, resolute assistance in support of inclusive political transition, human rights protections, and economic stabilization measures aligned with shared strategic interests—namely regional peace, stability, counterterrorism cooperation, and long-term prosperity—the United States can assist Ethiopia in restoring national unity, realizing its potential as a cohesive, democratic, and economically vibrant leader within Africa. Ethiopia, with its proud legacy of independence, resilience, and contributions to continental affairs, merits support in surmounting its present difficulties and reclaiming a trajectory of stability and progress for the benefit of all its citizens.
Let us rise to the occasion again, building on over a century of friendship to foster change, healing, stability, and progress for all Ethiopians. Ethiopia does not deserve to be where it is now.
END
Dawit Wolde Giorgis
The Africa Institute for Strategic and Security Studies.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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