April 5, 2026
By Kebede Alemu
Abiy Ahmed has come to his final moments in governing the great nation of Ethiopia. He was given a significant opportunity but failed to meet the expectations of many people from all walks of life, both inside and outside the country. He has become a symbol of disappointment, as expressed in the Amharic saying: “ወጣ ወጣና እንደ ሸንበቆ ተንከባለለ እንደ ሙቀጫ.” By now, the whole world knows that his government is largely confined to Addis Ababa and a few other areas of the country. He attempts to portray an image of prosperity and progress at the expense of the daily safety, well-being, and basic living conditions of over 100 million people. Instead of effectively governing a nation of 130 million citizens, he has gambled with their lives, trying to create an illusion of prosperity in Addis Ababa, as if the people’s priority were the superficial display of development around the city. He has come to be seen by critics as a leading figure associated with war crimes against humanity in the 21st century, accused of causing widespread destruction and loss of life through the use of drones, artillery, and the recruitment of mercenaries across different regions. How could such a situation develop in such a short time? Let us state the obvious facts that have contributed to his downfall.
- Pride precedes fall
As the wise book says, “Pride goes before a fall.” The fall of Abiy Ahmed began when he became prideful and stopped listening to, and working with, fellow Ethiopians, many of whom had given him their full support and even the benefit of the doubt, despite initial uncertainty about his rise to power. Several factors contributed to this sense of pride. One of the most significant was receiving the Nobel Peace Prize at the beginning of his tenure. We recall that, shortly after receiving the award, he said to his main opponents, the TPLF, “Instead of drinking whiskey, work hard so that the people of Mekelle can get water,” referring to a long-standing issue that should have been addressed much earlier. The issue was not the substance of what he said, but rather how he felt empowered to openly criticize his former allies in the media for the first time.
That pride did not stop there. He began preparing for war against the TPLF and the people of Tigray behind closed doors. He capitalized on the widespread resentment among many Ethiopians toward the TPLF leadership. A large number of Ethiopians, including priests, sheikhs, pastors, intellectuals, and scholars, initially supported him when he told the nation that the Northern Command had been attacked by the TPLF. However, this claim has since been challenged by many, including some of his former ministers. He pursued a war strategy that led to the TPLF and the people of Tigray being isolated and surrounded on all sides. While the TPLF leadership also made serious miscalculations in their relations with neighboring regions, he took full advantage of the situation. He even invited Eritrean forces to fight against the TPLF, not once, not twice, but three times. His sense of pride grew further after the rapid defeat of TPLF forces within three weeks, after which he entered Mekelle in military attire and presented this victory to both domestic and international audiences. This, in turn, emboldened him to continue pursuing his own path as the only viable course forward.
According to Dr. Milkesa, a former minister, in his account of a discussion with Abiy in the Prime Minister’s office before he fled the country, “Abiy believes that he attained that office on his own.” Milkesa emphasized that Abiy firmly believes he gained power solely through his own efforts. In his view, it was not because Lemma Megersa allowed him to represent Oromia, nor because Demeke Mekonnen and others supported his path. It was not due to former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn paving the way, nor because the Qeerroo and Fano youth movements created the resistance that made political change possible. It was not even the result of years of work by Jawar Mohammed and other ESAT media activists. He believes he reached that position entirely by his own doing—that is all. This reflects a clear manifestation of pride. Most Ethiopians are religious in one way or another and generally acknowledge that their achievements come with God’s grace. However, in Abiy’s case, he appears to believe he attained that seat purely through his own actions, as if by outmaneuvering everyone else. Since then, everything in the country has become about him, his image and his things only! This is the root cause of the existing ETHIOPIAN PROBLEM!!
- Doctrine of Short cut
Abiy Ahmed appears to believe in a “shortcut” approach. He does not seem to value rigor, careful process, or thoroughness. Approaching matters with discipline and attention to detail does not appear to be his style; instead, he tends to look for the quickest path. His educational background is often cited as an example by critics. There are claims that there is little publicly available evidence of his progression from Grade 7 through Grade 12. Similarly, questions have been raised about how he completed his four-year bachelor’s degree. His master’s and PhD degrees have also been criticized, with some alleging that they involved shortcuts and were full of plagiarism. When he attended his bachelor’s degree in a private college, there was no account of his 12-grade completion. He claims to be a main force in transforming the country with technology, especially when he worked in INSA. But what happened was he got access to technology, and he spoke about it without real knowledge of how each gadget works. He used that access to technology as if he was a pioneer in that technology.
This doctrine of shortcuts seriously blinded him in his governing philosophy as well. When he became prime minister, he used all the power and resources of his office to boost his own image. He traveled to Kigali, Rwanda, and saw a clean, potentially developing city. It had taken Rwanda thirty years to reach that status. He went to Dubai and saw a well-developed city in the middle of the desert, a process that took nearly four decades. He traveled to Singapore and saw a level of development that took fifty years to achieve. From these visits, he concluded that Addis Ababa could be developed within three years. There was no negotiation with the people and no attempt to develop the city through its own resources and capacities. Instead, he deployed the full force of prime ministerial power and authority. Every institution, quite literally, was compelled to obey his commands and focus on advancing his personal project.
Instead of working patiently with the people of Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia, he chose what critics describe as a shortcut approach to exert control. He first established command posts in Wollega and other parts of the Oromia region. After that, he attempted to govern Tigray for eight months through a command post system, and over the past three years, his presence in the Amhara region has relied on military structures, with generals acting as city administrators under command posts. This is the result of a “shortcut doctrine” a reliance on military command rather than long-term political solutions. He is accused of using incentives to persuade generals to carry out difficult or controversial tasks. As a result, critics argue that many within the military have become deeply compromised and follow his directives without question. If not for his reliance on shortcuts, many of the country’s conflicts might have been avoided. Instead, Ethiopia has been consumed by continuous conflict over the past five years killing millions. The military institution has been weakened, and the country’s economy, diplomacy, and overall well-being have been significantly affected. There are also concerns that he may lead the country toward further conflict with Eritrea, particularly due to claims about securing access to Assab, again, without a gradual, diplomatic process, but through a rapid and forceful approach.
- He sold himself to UAE
Another main reason for Abiy’s downfall is his dependence on the UAE. Abiy has become, in the eyes of critics, overly reliant on UAE leaders. The UAE leader has invested a lot on him. As they say, you cannot please two masters. Abiy cannot both serve the interest of UAE and the interest of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. “Don’t think you can climb two trees at the same time just because you have two legs.” Now, when the UAE sent him to assist the RSF in Sudan, a force accused by the international community of destabilizing the country, he does it without hesitation. It was reported by international media that Abiy set up a training site for RSF forces in Ethiopia around the border with Sudan. He has also been accused of using UAE drones launched from Ethiopia to attack Sudanese government forces, a claim the Sudanese government has raised several times. Abiy’s rush toward potential conflict with Eritrea is also linked to ambitions of controlling access to the Red Sea. Critics argue that he is willing to pursue this not necessarily because Ethiopia’s population of 130 million needs sea access, but in alignment with UAE interests. He has been heard on multiple occasions stating that Ethiopia will play a major role in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. While this vision appeals to many Ethiopians, critics claim it primarily serves UAE interests. Some even speculate whether external connections, such as a UAE figure who reportedly had a long-term association with Jeffrey Epstein and later resigned from executive positions at DP World, may have played a role in his Nobel Peace Prize win. However, such claims remain unproven and would require serious investigation. Observers also note that the UAE prominently displayed the Ethiopian flag when Abiy Ahmed received the prize, which some interpret as a sign that its investment paid off. At this point, the issue is not merely criticism of a bilateral relationship between two countries, but concern about personal ambition and priorities, especially given that the country and its people are greater than any single individual in principle.
Ethiopia Beyond the Abiy phenomena
Ethiopians are now coming together to build a nation beyond the Abiy Ahmed Ali regime. Except for his own cadres, many Ethiopians from all walks of life and across ethnic groups believe that Abiy Ahmed has become the country’s number one security threat as long as he remains in power. Today, many members of the diaspora, from different organizations, have gathered on social media, calling for peaceful resistance to remove the current regime, led by the renowned Ethiopian politician Lidetu Ayalew. On the ground, in many parts of the country, various resistance forces are battling/resisting the government, including the OLA in Oromia, Fano in Amhara, and TDF in Tigray. His days are numbered.
Many Ethiopians have also begun voicing opposition to the upcoming election that Abiy is attempting to promote. To tell the truth, elections are about the majority governing the minority, and if large parts of the country are unable to participate due to insecurity and lack of peace, can such elections be considered legitimate? Definitely not. Some people even speculate that the election outcome has already been predetermined, with claims that Abiy has allocated limited seats to selected opposition parties. Such a process would have no legitimacy in the coming years. Ethiopians should aspire to come together to build a government system beyond the Abiy era. He has exhausted his mandate, and his continued stay in power only prolongs the pain and suffering of the people. May God save Ethiopia and its people from such an unrepentant, stubborn, and incapable leader.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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