25.07.2026 – Interview
Published on 18 July 2026
Question:
What brought you to Ethiopia?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
I have two good reasons: First, for Germany, Ethiopia is a key partner in Africa, our neighboring continent. In these times full of international conflicts, crises, and wars, countries like ours need to meet frequently, analyze together and look for broad cooperation. I am grateful that I had the opportunity to reflect on this together with Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos. We reaffirmed our commitment to further deepen cooperation in areas such as foreign investments, green energy, and qualified legal labor migration. I also congratulated Foreign Minister Gedion on his important role as President-designate of the COP32, where we will be closely cooperating with Ethiopia.
Second, the AU: Together with Commissioner Bankole, we kicked-off the first round of a new Strategic Dialogue on Foreign and Security Policy. Our meeting proved that this is the right time to raise our partnership to a more ambitious level. The AU is an important player in international affairs.
And beside this, it´s a pleasure to visit Addis Ababa and to have the chance to enjoy a peek into the rich cultural heritage of your country.
Question:
The AU’s mandate of ‘African solutions to African problems’ faces immense financial and operational hurdles, particularly regarding peacekeeping transitions in Somalia. As a key partner to the AU, is Germany prepared to advocate for more robust, predictable UN-backed funding for AU-led peace operations, or do you foresee a shift toward bilateral security arrangements?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
The African Union has a key role in maintaining continental and regional peace and security. Germany is committed to a close partnership with the AU and this means close consultations. For me, listening to the Commissioner´s expertise gives me a better understanding of the complexity of the security situation on this continent. We share values, objectives, and interests.
And when around the world multilateralism is challenged by many, the African Union and we, as Germany and Europeans, agree upon the need to strengthen and reform the multilateral order with the United Nations at its core. It has to become more effective and efficient; and: it is evident that in world affairs, African voices have to be much better represented. We continue supporting the Ezulwini Consensus. We continue to advocate for sufficient UN funding to AU-led missions and we continue to invest heavily in African Peace Operations through our contributions to the European Peace Facility.
Our cooperation is more than about money, but we should not forget that Germany is the biggest bilateral partner of the AU with over 1.1 billion Euro invested. And, in addition to this, about a quarter of all EU contribution to the AU is also coming from German tax payers. This is well invested into security and prosperity on our neighboring continent.
Question:
German-Ethiopian relations span over 120 years. However, diplomatic longevity does not always equal strategic agility. Given your vast background in defense and global security policy, how would you define the ‘core baseline’ of the current Berlin-Addis partnership amid today’s shifting global order?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
The world is changing rapidly, so it is crucial that we extend our networks and deepen relations with key partners such as Ethiopia. In short: Our relations are good, but there is even more potential or I would even say there is a need to expand them. Some examples: In multilateral fora, we are both working towards solutions to global challenges like transnational terror or climate change.
Concerning our economic relations, German companies are interested in participating in infrastructure or green-tech projects in Ethiopia, which is becoming an economic powerhouse in the region. There is another promising field of shared interest that we should drive forward: qualified legal labor migration.
Question:
Berlin has frequently positioned itself as a critical partner to PM Abiy Ahmed’s administration, emphasizing state continuity and stability in the Horn of Africa. Do you think that international backing sometimes cushions domestic political pressures in Ethiopia? How does Germany balance its commitment to democratic reforms and human rights with the realpolitik necessity of keeping the central government stable?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
It’s Ethiopia’s responsibility to define its path, not least in order to create a more attractive and safer environment for foreign business.
Question:
In a recent article, ‘Lessons in Federalism and Elections from Germany,‘ The Reporter looked closely at how Germany’s cooperative federalism balances state autonomy with national unity. Ethiopia is navigating its own complex multinational federal model under significant strain. From Germany’s perspective, what structural or democratic ‘guardrails’ are most critical for a federal system to withstand deep internal polarization versus a strong need in pursuit of national unity?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
First of all, the political systems have to fit to the specific historic and cultural context of the respective countries. For us, Germany, federalism is one of the cornerstones of our democracy. It has its own ways to assure checks and balances on federal and state level. In our tradition, it is dear to our citizens that decisions are made as close as possible to their daily reality. This kind of subsidiarity is an important element of trust of the people in their state institutions. It´s interesting that Ethiopia is a federal country as well. It is always good to analyze what lessons can be drawn from each other´s experiences.
Question:
Earlier this year, German diplomatic voices in Addis noted that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access is ‘appropriate and reasonable’ given its population of over 130 million. How far does Germany’s support for this ambition go? Does Berlin view Ethiopia’s pursuit of a commercial and military maritime presence as a driver for regional economic integration, or a potential trigger for friction with neighbors like Somalia?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
It´s understandable that a country of Ethiopia’s size wants to diversify and avoid dependencies and therefore wishes for access to maritime and port infrastructure.
For us one thing is clear: Such an endeavor should only be pursued in a peaceful and consensual way with the countries concerned. I understand that this is also the position of the Ethiopian government.
Question:
Germany plays a crucial role in supporting peace and stability in Ethiopia, as well as development in various frontiers. Beyond this, what is Germany doing to ensure effective implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, and also ensure lasting peace in other regions? Fragility in the Horn region is resulting in rising tensions. Foreign interference is often blamed for protracted conflicts in Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, and others. Why does the international community, including the EU, fail to cut the foreign strings if peace and stability in the region is the genuine goal? What has the Berlin humanitarian conference on Sudan delivered so far? Why does securing a ceasefire remain elusive in Sudan?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
Germany is and will continue to be a strong advocate for sustainable peace and regional integration in the Horn of Africa, recognizing that stability is essential for the region’s long-term development and prosperity.
Now let me say a word on the Sudan Conference that we organized in Berlin in April: On the one hand, we secured significant humanitarian pledges amounting to almost 1.5 billion Euro. On the other hand, and in my opinion even more important, this conference produced the “Berlin principles,” signed by all relevant external actors. They collectively call for an end to the war in Sudan, as well as an end of all external military support. And: at this conference, for the first time, Sudanese civilian actors from different political blocks came to Berlin, supported by the Quintet. They agreed on a “Joint Call to End the War in Sudan and Advance a Sudanese-Owned Political Process.”
Germany will continue to push for urgent action: an immediate humanitarian truce, followed by a permanent ceasefire and an independent, inclusive, transparent and civilian-led political dialogue, full humanitarian access, and an end to all external military support.
Question:
With your background as Germany’s Permanent Representative to NATO, you understand maritime chokepoints intimately. The instability in the Red Sea directly impacts global trade routes crucial to Europe. How does the Federal Foreign Office view Ethiopia’s strategic role in securing the wider Horn of Africa against asymmetric threats, and where do German and Ethiopian security interests intersect here?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
The Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea serve as vital arteries of global trade and are increasingly becoming a choke point. Consequently, the stability of this region and the security of its maritime routes are clearly in Germany’s strategic interest. I understand from the talks I had in Addis Ababa that maritime security is in the core interest of Ethiopia as well. And this means that no force in the region should threaten the security of the Strait.
Question:
Ethiopia is undergoing sweeping macroeconomic reforms, shifting toward a private-sector-led model—a move heavily applauded by Western partners and the IMF. Yet, the immediate inflationary pressures on ordinary citizens are immense. What concrete steps is Germany taking via development cooperation to ensure these aggressive economic reforms don’t destabilize Ethiopia’s social fabric?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
As I understand, Ethiopia is implementing ambitious economic reforms. This is also important to attract more foreign investment. Ambitious reforms always need patience and they have to watch carefully that the social safety nets are solid enough.
In concrete terms: Germany supports the Productive Safety Net Program in Ethiopia. All in all, Germany has contributed 100 million Euro, underscoring our commitment to sustainable development and resilience in this country.
Question:
While Germany is a major buyer of Ethiopian coffee and textiles, actual German private sector investment in the country remains modest. A recent study concluded EU27 gains immense GDP value addition from coffee largely imported from Ethiopia, while EU27 does not produce coffee. Germany has various economic interventions with Ethiopia mainly through GIZ and other institutions. Why have years of such interventions not resulted in industrialization in Ethiopia, or led to value addition instead of the export of raw materials? Beyond ongoing infrastructure projects like the Bishoftu International Airport, what specific legal or security guarantees are German businesses waiting for before entering the Ethiopian market at scale?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
The German private sector is taking investment decisions on its own. In the end, it’s on Ethiopia to make sure that investment conditions are attractive. I hope for more German investments because, in general, our approach should be to move from development cooperation to investment and economic exchange.
There is promising development: In January, the visit of Foreign Minister Wadephul was accompanied by a German business delegation. And in June, a delegation of green-tech companies visited Addis Ababa to explore e-mobility and charging infrastructure up close.
Concerning Ethiopian coffee, Germany is worldwide the second biggest importer with approximately 70.000 metric tons annually. Coffee exports from Ethiopia to Germany have doubled in value in the last year. At the same time, Germany is supporting Ethiopia with getting compliant to the EU Deforestation Regulation and maintaining the flow of coffee.
Another important endeavor is the EU-Africa Global Gateway initiative, bringing together sustainable investment of the private sector in African countries, not extracting but leaving local value in the country. There are many important projects, one of them I would like to mention: the Wind Farm in Assela, a flagship renewable energy project. It is developed by Ethiopian Electric Power (EEP) and the German company Siemens Gamesa is the main contractor.
Question:
Last month, Germany lost its bid to win a non-permanent seat on the UNSC for the 2027-28 term. What do you think are the underlying reasons, and the implications? How do you assess Germany’s domestic strength versus its assertion on the global stage? Tell us your take regarding how the international community has handled the Ukraine-Russia war and the US-Iran crisis. Do you see a new global order underway, as superpowers increasingly resort to conflict? How do you see middle powers and Global South cooperation fitting into this tectonic shift? How can developing nations like Ethiopia balance their relations with both East and West?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
We were not elected, so we congratulate Portugal and Austria, two strong and close EU partners. There should be no doubt: Germany will remain firmly committed to the UN, because a strong multilateral order based on international law is in our national interest. Germany supports the call for reforms of the UN, both the UN80 initiative as well as a reform of the Security Council. We advocate for a Security Council that reflects 21st-century geopolitical realities, including two permanent seats for the African Group.
Let me turn on Iran. Our position is clear: Iran must never have a nuclear weapon, must refrain from destabilizing the region and must respect freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.
A word on Ukraine: Russia’s brutal war of aggression has brought death and destruction to Ukraine for over four years now. Russia started this war—if Russia were to withdraw its troops, the war would end. If Ukraine were to stop defending itself, it would mean the end of Ukraine. Ukraine is ready for an immediate ceasefire while Russia continues its brutal attacks on showing no interest to engage in meaningful negotiations. Therefore, we will continue to support Ukraine and maintain pressure on Russia to come to the negotiation table in earnest.
And, lastly, to those who say: This is a European war, this has nothing to do with us, let me answer: Just as the effects of the closed Strait of Hormuz are being felt around the world, also the war in Ukraine has global repercussions. Energy prices have gone up, we saw the same with wheat and other agricultural products. Not to mention the attack on the international order that Russia’s war against its peaceful neighbor poses. All these consequences obviously concern everyone, not just Europe.
Question:
The Red Sea corridor is becoming one of the most heavily militarized maritime zones in the world, hosting naval and military bases from the US, China, France, Turkey, and various Gulf states. As Germany watches this crowding of military hardware, do you view this militarization as a stabilizing deterrent for global trade, or a volatile powder keg where a single miscalculation could spark a broader conflict? What is Germany’s long-term diplomatic strategy to address the root geopolitical rivalries driving this militarization?
Dr. Géza Andreas von Geyr:
Stability in the Horn of Africa is crucial—for regional and continental security in Africa, as well as for the security in Europe, especially concerning terrorist threats and trade implications. Peaceful solutions of conflicts, internal and across borders, are key. Enhanced regional integration, political and economic, can contribute to stability and prosperity in the region.
Germany remains involved in the EU-led maritime Operation Aspides, contributing at various levels. The operation aligns with Germany’s strategic interest in securing freedom of navigation and protecting international trade routes.
Ethiopia has been playing a decisive role in the international engagement to help stabilize the situation in Somalia, by contributing troops to AUSSOM. Nevertheless, the crisis in Somalia is going on far too long. In the end, an African solution has to be found so the whole Horn of Africa can have a peaceful future.