April 1, 2017 14:30

Forecast

. Throughout its history, Ethiopia’s geography

has enabled it to consistently assert power

beyond its borders, no matter who its  leaders

have been.

. The loss of direct access to the sea after Eritrea

seceded hampered Ethiopia’s economic development;

regaining control of that coastline will continue to

be part of its long-term strategy.

 .The geographic potential for agricultural development,

as well as the densely populated Ethiopian Highlands,

provide the cornerstones of Ethiopia’s ability to create

wealth and wield power in the future.

Analysis

Among its African contemporaries, Ethiopia stands out as

one of the few countries that has existed in essentially the

same form since antiquity, albeit under different names. Its

geographic position at the heart of the Horn of Africa has made

it a crossroads for trade, helping it to maintain a continuity that

has lasted from ancient times through the colonial era to today.

While modern Ethiopia’s interests are much more tightly focused

on its core than the far-flung reach its ancient predecessors

commanded, its geography still makes it a key player in global

trade and regional politics. Although its importance in international

trade has diminished with technological advances in transport

and a shift away from the resources it provides or conveys, exports

are still a focus of its economy.

Ethiopia rose to prominence as a regional empire known as the

Kingdom of Aksum in the first century A.D. The kingdom had

existed for centuries prior, but it began to flourish thanks to

trade between the Roman Empire and ancient India. But its

growing wealth and influence wasn’t solely a function of its

position along vital coastal trade routes. Rather, the core of

present-day Ethiopia, and its historic predecessors, has always

been the Ethiopian Highlands. The large protected area of fertile

lands and major rivers became the seat of a power that would

hold sway in its nearby region and beyond the continent.

Unlike other African empires of old, which in their pre-colonial

histories enjoyed similar prominence in trade with Europe but

were unable to expand their activities much beyond generating

wealth through that trade, the Kingdom of Aksum parlayed its

economic success into political power. It emerged as a regional

force that established hegemony over significant portions of the

continent and extended its reach across the Red Sea. Within Africa,

the Kingdom of Aksum captured the Kingdom of Kush, which

corresponds more or less with today’s Sudan. In doing so it seized

control of trade from the African interior, as well as caravan routes

from the Middle East. In a geopolitical sense, overcoming the

dominance of powers along the Nile River corridor was no small feat.

By the sixth century, the kingdom was sending its armies

beyond Africa. Having adopted Christianity as its official religion,

the empire embarked on an expedition against Jewish persecution

of Christians in modern-day Yemen. But the rise of Islam in the

seventh century led to the economic isolation of the Kingdom of

Aksum as its neighbors embraced the new religion. While Aksum

remained a center of Christianity, its power waned, and the land

now known as Ethiopia has not since managed to reclaim the

mantle of a true trade empire.

 

 

Steering Clear of Colonialism

Ethiopian power waxed again through its embrace of modernity.

During the Middle Ages, Ethiopia (known as Abyssinia) harnessed

new technologies — particularly agricultural techniques such

as terrace farming and water resource management with dams

and cisterns — to help it thrive as a local feudal empire.

Ethiopia also attempted to overcome its isolation by interacting

closely with foreign powers. In the 16th century, the kingdom’s

leaders persuaded Portugal to send its troops to help defeat a

Muslim army that had overrun it. In the 19th century, under

Emperor Tewodros II, Ethiopia forged an alliance with Great

Britain. At the same time, it developed a modern centralized

legal and administrative system. The kingdom’s relationship

with the British Empire turned sour, however, when Queen

Victoria failed to respond to a request for military assistance.

Instead, Tewodros II took several British citizens hostage.

When a British punitive expedition laid siege to the capital

in response, Tewodros II killed himself with a pistol that had

been a gift from the queen.

In 1893, Italy attempted to invade Ethiopia from what was

then Italian Eritrea. By that time, Ethiopia had fostered a

close relationship with another orthodox Christian nation,

Russia, which provided it with military training and arms.

The threat of invasion also attracted the attention of France

and Britain, which both wanted to protect their own colonial

interests by thwarting Italy’s expansion. Though they didn’t

go so far as to support Ethiopia in battle, they did lend

diplomatic aid. But there was another reason for the eventual

defeat of the Italian campaign — a development showcasing

Ethiopia’s potential for empire. Instead of succumbing to

competition with rival African kingdoms and tribes, as Italy

had expected, Ethiopia forged a pragmatic alliance, leaving

the Italians to face a more significant force than they had

expected, and their invasion eventually was beaten back.

With the victory, Ethiopia preserved its status as the sole

African power that was never subjected to colonialism.

Four decades later, hostilities between Ethiopia and Italy

resumed after Italy built a fortress inside Ethiopian territory.

This time, Italy won the clash, and the Second Italo-Ethiopian

War ended with Italian forces occupying Ethiopia until 1941,

when Allied troops drove them out. Emperor Haile Selassie,

who had fled into exile when the Italians seized Addis Ababa

in 1936, returned to power and continued to modernize the

imperial monarchy. Under his rule, however, Ethiopia came

to face one of its most significant challenges, and its failure

continues to call into question Ethiopia’s true capabilities as a state.

The Critical Loss of Sea Access

In the 1960s, Eritrea — by then a province of Ethiopia —

rebelled against rule by Addis Ababa, depriving the country

of its entire coastline. This has prevented Ethiopia from

having full control over its exports and reviving its historical

role as a trade hub. The unpopularity of the war against the

Eritrean separatists also eventually led to the emergence of

an Ethiopian Marxist movement, which gained the support

of the Soviet Union and brought Mengistu Haile Mariam to

power after a coup toppled Selassie and ended the imperial

monarchy in 1974. It was replaced by the Dergue, the

communist committee that ruled the country until 1991,

when an alliance of rebel groups brought it down. But the

same rebel struggle that defeated the Dergue also led to

Eritrea’s independence, and left Ethiopia without direct

access to the Red Sea.

These developments transformed Ethiopia into its current

political and geographic form. The Federal Democratic Republic

of Ethiopia continues to exert considerable regional influence,

although its lack of coastal access has dampened its

economic potential. Ethiopia, however, has retained the

ability to shape its region to its own advantage. Ethiopian

forces have eliminated any opportunity for Somalia to re-emerge

as a threat, as it did in the late 1970s when the two countries

fought a war, while keeping Somali instability at bay. Ethiopia

has also employed the help of rebel factions in South Sudan

and Somalia as a means to limit the expansion of those

countries’ influence in East Africa.

Economically, Ethiopia heavily depends on foreign

investment, particularly from China and the Gulf

states. It has used those funds to develop its

infrastructure with an eye toward unlocking

even greater potential within the country. Among

those projects is the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance

Dam, which when completed will provide capacity

for power generation to support industry and investment.

Transportation has been another focus of the Ethiopian

government, and the opening of a railway connecting

Addis Ababa with the port city of Djbouti will increase

its access to the outside world. Right now, the country’s

economy is oriented toward the development of agricultural

exports, but infrastructure improvements and a large

population should also enable Ethiopia to create a low-end

manufacturing base.

To fulfill its potential, Ethiopia will still have to overcome

several hurdles, including enduring internal frictions. So

far the minority government that came to power after the

overthrow of the Dergue has kept low-intensity rebellions

at bay, but it has recently had to contend with a wider

insurrection by its two largest ethnicities. The Oromo and

Amhara revolts in the country have damaged Ethiopia’s

reputation as a stable destination for investment, causing

trade to decline.

In the longer term, though,  Ethiopia will continue to enjoy

the inherent advantages accorded by its geographic position,

no matter who rules it. After all, despite its history of political

upheaval, it has maintained considerable strength and resilience,

especially compared with its East African neighbors.

Source        –       Satenaw: