Some Ethiopians are fiercely campaigning against

Tedros Adhanom, Ethiopia’s candidate to replace

Margaret Chan Fung Fu-chun, as director general

of World Health Organization, just a few weeks before

member states are set to vote on the final three candidates.

Tedros, a former Ethiopian foreign and health minister,

along with Pakistan’s Sania Nishtar and the UK’s David Nabarro

are the three director-general nominees who made the cut from

a larger pool of candidates in January.

Tedros, who is running a well-funded campaign, is considered

as a prime contender in the race. His candidacy was endorsed

by the African Union, and just last week he picked up an

endorsement of Andrew Mitchell, the UK’s former international

development secretary.

However, he is facing unrelenting opposition from his

own citizens.

Ethiopians who feel marginalized by their country’s

government are campaigning hard against him online,

arguing he should not be elected because he represents

the interests of Ethiopia’s autocratic ruling elites and

not the people.

They have set up online petition pages against Tedros

and produced a documentary film detailing what they

consider to be his failures and his alleged mismanagement

of funds while he was Ethiopia’s health minister.

They have organized Twitter campaigns under a hashtag

#NoTedros4WHO to organize conversations surrounding

the topic. To make his Ethiopian government profile at the

top of the public’s consciousness, his opponents have

share detailed research that accuses Tedros of inefficiencies,

misreporting, and exaggerations of his achievements when

he used to serve in Ethiopia.

One of the images that have circulated against Tedros,

showing his face with an X over it next to the two other

candidates. Shared by Twitter user @DahlaKib

 

However, amid fears that the campaign might diminish

his chances, government groups are also running a

parallel campaign supporting his candidacy. They have

downplayed the opposition as unpatriotic, mean-spirited

and trivial jealousy.

Since April 2014, a popular protest movement in Ethiopia

has challenged the government, which has responded

brutally. According to Human Rights Watch, at least

800 people have died, and thousands of political opponents

and hundreds of dissidents have been imprisoned and

tortured. Since October 2016, authorities have imposed

some of the world’s toughest censorship laws after it

declared a state of emergency.

The role of ethnic politics

Some of Tedros’ detractors say they oppose his

candidacy because of his alleged incompetence. But a

big part of what drives the fierce opposition to Tedros

is the logic of ethnic politics.

Tedros holds a Ph.D. from the University of Nottingham

in community health. He studied biology at Asmera

University before he completed a master’s degree in

immunology of infectious diseases in London.

When people hear his name, as qualified as he may

be, his opponents associate him with a repressive

Ethiopian government that has killed people, jailed

thousands of political opponents, and imprisoned

and tortured dissidents.

His meteoric rise to power started soon after he finished

his Ph.D. in 1999 when he was tasked to lead the Tigray

region’s health department. After two short years in Tigray,

he was promoted to Ethiopia’s minister for health by the

late prime minister Meles Zenawi, a Tigrayan himself.

In 2012 when Meles Zenawi died, Tedros became Ethiopia’s

foreign minister.

Tigray is one of the nine regional states that are

federated based on ethnolinguistic compositions.

Over the past 26 years, the Tigrayan elites have taken

center stage in Ethiopia’s political affairs, largely due

to their control of the military, security and the economy

of Ethiopia. Though accounting for only 6% of Ethiopia’s

population, all senior positions of country’s military and

security and the most meaningful positions in state institutions

are packed by Tigrayan elites. This has always been a sore

point with the elites of the Oromo and Amhara ethnicities,

who together comprise 65% of Ethiopia’s population.

Ethiopia’s government has used authoritarian tactics against

its people and the country’s politic space is a closed one;

however, it enjoys the support of powerful countries such

as the United States and the United Kingdom.

Domestic disputes on a global platform

The vigorous opposition to the Tedros candidacy suggests

that Ethiopians political struggle has spilled over into the

international arena. In some sense, it also suggests that

these global platforms have become a substitute for a repressed

domestic political space.

Since Ethiopia’s local political institutions and communications infrastructure are controlled by the government, diaspora

groups, however sporadic and uncoordinated their efforts

may be, have used the opportunity to shed light on the

human rights violations using Twitter campaigns.

SOURCE           –      GLOBAL VOICES